
Japan Imperial Family's beloved dog Yuri dies due to old age
Emperor Naruhito, Empress Masako and their daughter Princess Aiko were all present when Yuri passed away on the evening of June 23 at the Imperial Residence within the Imperial Palace.
Yuri was a female mixed breed dog with Shiba Inu traits, rescued at a veterinary hospital. The Imperial Couple adopted her in the spring of 2009 when she was about 2 months old, and Princess Aiko named her Yuri. She appeared frequently in family photographs released by the Imperial Household Agency to mark the family's birthdays and other occasions.
Yuri had received training as a therapy dog and reportedly participated in animal therapy activities until the COVID-19 pandemic began. She interacted with children hospitalized in pediatric wards and took walks with them in hospital hallways.
According to the aide, the Imperial Family stayed by Yuri's side in her final moments, recalling how deeply she had been loved by many people.

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Yomiuri Shimbun
29-07-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Prince Hisahito's Coming-of-Age Ceremony Details Announced
TOKYO (Jiji Press) — The Imperial Household Agency on Tuesday announced the details of the coming-of-age ceremony for Prince Hisahito, son of Crown Prince Akishino and Crown Princess Kiko, on Sept. 6, the 19th birthday of the young prince. It will be the first coming-of-age ceremony for a male Imperial Family member in 40 years since that for Crown Prince Akishino. Prince Hisahito is second in line to the throne, after his father. During the ceremony, to be hosted by Crown Prince Akishino and Crown Princess Kiko, Prince Hisahito will receive a crown from the Emperor's messenger at the Crown Prince's residence on the morning of Sept. 6. Prince Hisahito will then attend the Kakan-no-Gi crown-wearing ritual at the Imperial Palace from 10 a.m., wearing a traditional attire for a minor Imperial Family member. Prince Hisahito will then change into adult attire and move to the palace's three sanctuaries in a ceremonial carriage, where he will offer prayers. In the afternoon, he is scheduled to greet the Emperor and Empress at the palace in a ritual known as Choken-no-Gi. The Cabinet decided Tuesday to grant the Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum to Prince Hisahito. He will be awarded the medal from the Emperor on the day of the coming-of-age ceremony. On Sept. 8, Prince Hisahito will visit Ise Jingu, a major Shinto shrine in Ise, Mie Prefecture, and the mausoleum of Emperor Jimmu in Kashihara, Nara Prefecture. A celebratory luncheon will be held in Tokyo on Sept. 10, with participants including the prime minister and other dignitaries.


The Diplomat
21-07-2025
- The Diplomat
Between Sectors, Between Worlds: The Significance of Seasonal Labor in India
In the end days of March 2020, as the COVID-19 pandemic unfurled across the world, the Indian government imposed a severe lockdown that included closing down industry and transportation. Masses of Indian laborers suddenly had no work and had to return to their homes, sometimes traveling great distances on foot. According to a U.N. estimate, the number of workers who had to shift back like this exceeded 100 million people Why couldn't they stay? For one, a majority of Indians are not formally employed, in the sense that they often work without a contract, and thus without the social net such a contract usually entails (or, to be more precise: that it usually entails in the West). This is especially true for cheap labor. Second, many of the poorest laborers in large Indian cities live in dire conditions, some of them without even a roof over their heads. Without prospects for work until the end of the lockdown, they had no other option but to head back home. And home meant the villages. Surely, such a large group should be broken down into various categories and a story of each person may be somewhat different. However, those millions of returning laborers arguably included many men from rural areas who regularly split their time between working in the cities and working in the villages. One Times of India story from that period spoke of guest workers from the northern state of Uttar Pradesh who ended up stranded in the southern state of Tamil Nadu. Depending on where exactly the lockdown found them, and on where exactly they came from, this could mean a distance of 1,500 kilometers or more from their homes. Many among this group were farmers, but owners of fields so small that they could not sustain their families, and so in between seasons, they would find work in cities – even distant ones. One poignant story of laborers is found in Delhi Aman Sethi's 'A Free Man.' The book focuses on 'permanent' laborers, in the sense of people who have no agricultural property in the villages to fall back on. They are not 'permanent' in the sense of their work, of course, as they continuously look for gigs in the metropolis. But the book also mentions: …the seasonal workers from villages in Delhi's neighboring states of Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Rajasthan. Most of them have land back home, a few acres that their fathers own, which will soon be divided among brothers. They first come in January after the winter crop has been harvested and the fields lie fallow, and return home in time for the sowing season in July. Once sowing is complete, they return to Bara Tooti [an area in Dehi] for another month of work before heading back to the village around Diwali. This is a common phenomenon in India. According to some estimates, half of families living in Indian villages possess no agricultural land, while among those possessing it, 7 percent of all families own 47 percent of all the fields. There is thus a large body of people living in the villages who are not farmers – though they may work in agriculture, provided someone offers them work. Similarly, there is also a large number of people who are formally farmers but who cannot sustain themselves only on that profession. It is unlikely there are many other jobs for them in the rural areas, unless there happens to be a manufacturing unit nearby. It is to the cities they go – often not to settle permanently, but to find temporary work between the harvesting and sowing seasons. As per the 2011 census, 68.8 percent of Indians lived in villages – this makes India stand out as a country with a larger rural than urban population. The scale and speed of urbanization usually reflects the pace of a developing country's growth, and so India's slow urbanization would indicate a slower growth over decades. The 2011 data may be a misleading statistic, however. First, the Indian government has failed to conduct a census for the past 14 years, and so this number is certainly outdated – the rural population likely decreased, but we do not know how much. Second, however, it is not just the statistic that is misleading, but the dichotomy it presents. It suggests people in India live either in the villages, or in the cities. But, as we can see, there are people who live both in the urban, and in the rural areas, depending on the season, and on the work options available to them. This observation allows us to look at the divide between the urban and rural areas in India from a different perspective. First, the rural population in India is likely lower than the censuses had been suggesting – at least it is lower in certain months, and it is lower assuming that many of such shifting respondents identify themselves as belonging to the rural areas when interviewed by census authorities. Second, the same is true for the economic divide between agriculture and other sectors. This shifting population means that in certain seasons, fewer people work in agriculture in India than it would seem from the statistics, and thus the vulnerabilities of this economic sector are even higher than they may seem. Arguably, many people categorized as working in agriculture cannot really rely only on this field of work; overall, agriculture is thus less valuable for the country's economy than the numbers suggest. Third, the conclusion that the seasonal scale of urban population in India may be higher than it seems does not mean that urbanization in India is higher than it seems. A continuous shift of millions of people between the villages and the cities throughout the year can hardly be considered urbanization. And so, even if there are more people in large Indian cities than it would seem, the conclusion that Indian urbanization progresses slowly still seems to be valid. These statistics show how much the Indian economy and Indian rural areas are vulnerable. I have earlier referred to such rural-urban migrant workers as having no permanent jobs in the cities. But is their work in the villages any more permanent? Can we consider it a permanent job if it offers no contract and no guaranteed salary, it highly relies on the scale of rains, it often does not offer enough sustainment for the whole family, and may offer even less once a field is split into smaller patches during inheritance? Seen this way, it is even less permanent than living in the cities, as there is more work there, even if much of it is gig-work. A sense of stability may be only achieved through a permanent employment and that would, nearly always, be more possible outside agriculture. If this is not achieved on a larger scale, those millions of poor laborers, who are neither here nor there, not anchored either in the cities or in the villages, may become a grave source of social discontent. Thus, the process will likely occur only one way – over time, many of such seasonal workers will be forced to settle in the cities for good. This means that before a large-scale industrialization and urbanization of India occurs, New Delhi faces several major challenges at the same time. First, it must strive to create much more jobs outside the agricultural sector – mainly in industry, wherever such factories would be set up. And this is what the current government has been focusing on, since 2014, by attempting to attract more foreign investments through its Make in India policy. Still, the scale of such FDI inflow is behind the needed pace of job creation. Second, at the same time, the government is forced to take care of the fragile societies that remain in the rural areas. This was what the previous UPA government focused on, by establishing, in 2005, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) that guaranteed 100 days of employment for the inhabitants of rural areas (thus seeking to fill in those empty periods when there is no work in the agriculture sector). Third, the Indian governments could also focus on employment laws and regulations, by forcing the employers to offer contracts, rather than informal stints, more often.


Yomiuri Shimbun
19-07-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
‘Wind Phones' Spread Globally as Tools to Cope with Grief; Disconnected Public Telephone Booths Let People ‘Talk' to Lost Loved Ones
MORIOKA — Telephone booths modeled after the 'Kaze no Denwa' (Wind phone) in Otsuchi, Iwate Prefecture — a public phone not connected to any network, set up as a place for people who lost loved ones in the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake to say the things they wish they could tell the deceased — have begun popping up around the world. Currently, there are wind phone booths in more than 400 locations across a total of 17 countries, including the United States, Germany and South Africa. They have reportedly been used by people who have lost loved ones to crises such as Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the global COVID-19 pandemic. The first wind phone booth was set up in Otsuchi in December 2010. The booth contains a rotary telephone with no network connection. It got its name from the sound of wind blowing around the booth, which was seen as symbolic of what users might hear. In 2014, a Japanese publishing company, Kinnohoshi Co., published a picture book titled 'Kaze no Denwa' which depicted the original wind phone booth. A movie was also made in which the booth was centrally wind phones have attracted attention also of experts overseas as tools for coping with grief. In an area of Warsaw where foreign embassies are concentrated, there stands a glass-walled booth with a sign board informing people that it is a wind phone. The booth contains a push-button telephone which is not connected to a network. It was set up in May 2022, and about 4,000 people have used it each year since then. Katarzyna Boni, 43, a writer and resident of Warsaw, set up the wind phone booth based on her experience documenting conditions in coastal areas of Iwate Prefecture after the 2011 disaster. She said, 'The original idea was to help people going through loss during COVID pandemic. This kind of loss was quite similar to what happened in Japan on 3.11, when you couldn't say goodbye. I thought we needed a place or environment to help with people's sorrow that had nowhere to go.' The booth also contains a notebook in which visitors may write whatever they like. The writings include messages to deceased friends or separated family members. One reads, 'I love you,' and another, 'I will keep on living tomorrow.' She said that since the start of the war in Ukraine, an increasing number of evacuees from that country have used the wind phone booth. The Otsuchi wind phone booth was set up about 15 years ago by Itaru Sasaki, 80. After his cousin died of an illness, he gave a lot of thought to telephones as a symbol of how people's hearts can be connected beyond physical distance. He received the public phone booth from a store that had shut down and placed it in the garden of his home. After the 2011 disaster, he started letting family members of disaster victims use the telephone booth, and many people from all over the nation began coming there. In 2020, a movie titled 'Kaze no Denwa' ('Voices in the Wind'), directed by Nobuhiro Suwa, received an honorable mention at the Berlin International Film Festival. The film depicts a girl trying to recover from her grief after losing family in the tsunami following the 2011 earthquake. This honor led to the wind phone booth becoming more widely known overseas. Now, Sasaki said, people from many different countries visit his garden. He said, 'In every era and country, there are many people who believe they can communicate with the deceased.' Amy Dawson, 59, from the U.S. state of New Jersey, operates a website called My Wind Phone, which lists wind phone booths across the globe. She said that as of July 11, there are wind phone booths in a total of 424 locations worldwide, excluding South America, and 300 of them are in the United States. Five years ago, Dawson lost her second daughter, Emily, then 25, who passed away after battling an illness. But she said, 'There's some comfort in dialing the person that you love, in dialing their phone number, in my case my daughter Emily. It's such a normal and ordinary task in everyday life.' Prof. Heather Servaty-Seib of Purdue University in the United States, an expert on psychology, said, 'It's an additional example of how grieving individuals find a way to be engaged, to remain connected with those who have died, or even with others who are going through some kind of loss. I think it is an interesting approach … It had really become a global phenomenon, and along the way there is some recognition and acknowledgement of the desire to stay connected, that 'I'm not the only one who wants this opportunity.''