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Maine research labs warn that Trump's NIH cuts would be devastating

Maine research labs warn that Trump's NIH cuts would be devastating

Yahoo16-02-2025
Feb. 15—Inside a sprawling lab at the University of New England's Portland campus, scientists conduct research that could eventually lead to improved treatments for conditions that affect millions, including diabetes, osteoporosis, arthritis and chronic pain.
But researchers say that work is in peril because the Trump administration wants to slash billions of dollars in current and future funding through the National Institutes of Health, the federal agency that fuels much of the biological research industry in the United States.
In Maine, the move would mean millions in cutbacks for scientific research at places like UNE, Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, MDI Biological Laboratory in Bar Harbor, the University of Maine System and the MaineHealth Institute for Research.
"It would be devastating," said Karen Houseknecht, vice president for research and scholarship at UNE. "It could shut things down."
Elisabeth Marnik, science outreach director at MDI Bio Lab, said the "detrimental impact this would have on the scientific process is large" and in Maine would harm an economy that is increasingly connected to the life sciences.
The NIH issued a policy directive earlier this month declaring that no more than 15% of each grant awarded for an individual research project can be spent on indirect costs, such as equipment, support staffing and facilities. Such indirect costs, Houseknecht said, are not unnecessary extras, but include expensive equipment needed to conduct experiments, as well as overhead costs at facilities, technicians to keep equipment operating and cybersecurity.
In UNE's case, indirect costs make up 42% — about $7 million — of the $17 million in annual NIH grant funding they receive, and are key to the research continuing at its current level, she said.
"Indirect costs are all part of the cost of doing business," Houseknecht said. "If it's cut, some very difficult decisions would have to be made."
Houseknecht pointed to a liquid chromatography mass spectrometer at UNE's Portland Laboratory for Biotechnology and Health Sciences that cost about $1 million — paid for with NIH grant funding — which is being used for pain research that could lead to alternatives to opioids for pain management.
The large white spectrometer looks a bit like a computer from a 1970s science fiction movie and measures tiny concentrations of drugs in bone marrow, blood and the brain. Those measurements in turn can be used to study effective ways to control pain.
But the LCMS also has many different applications for other research areas and student training and is shared with scientists across the state. For instance, the LCMS can be used in forensics, like drug testing or DNA testing.
"We are always asking, 'What else can this be used for, and who else can use it?,'" she said. The LCMS is one of several, expensive NIH-funded pieces of scientific equipment at the Portland lab.
LAWSUIT FILED, FUNDING UNCERTAIN
The cutbacks — which would affect ongoing grants that the labs are operating under — are currently paused by a court order.
Twenty-two states, including Maine, sued the Trump administration this week over the NIH funding cuts, arguing that the funding formula was established by a federal law and cannot be dismantled by the executive branch without Congress passing a new law.
"The United States should have the best medical research in the world," according to an unsigned NIH memo. "It is accordingly vital to ensure that as many funds as possible go towards direct scientific research costs rather than administrative overhead."
But the Trump administration has not provided detailed reasoning to justify the cutbacks or addressed the impact on medical research.
Elon Musk, the billionaire leading Trump's Department of Government Efficiency, referred to the higher indirect costs as "corruption" in a post on X, his social media platform. He did not provide evidence or elaborate.
Criticism of NIH and its grants is laid out in Project 2025, a document that outlined potential reforms if Trump were to be reelected. Among other things, it says the NIH grants support the "woke" agenda and liberal universities.
The cutbacks mirror similar fights over other funding cuts that were imposed by the Trump administration without going through Congress, which holds the power of the purse.
While indirect costs can vary by year and by the specifics of each grant, the NIH funded $35 billion in research nationwide in 2023, with $9 billion, or 26%, paying for indirect costs at labs.
U.S. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, recently said that Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who was confirmed Thursday by the Senate as health and human services secretary, promised to "reexamine" the NIH cutbacks. Collins is a staunch supporter of NIH funding.
"I oppose the poorly conceived directive imposing an arbitrary cap on the (NIH) indirect costs," Collins said in a statement on Monday.
Kennedy, an anti-vaccine activist who has recently attempted to distance himself from decades of falsely questioning the safety and efficacy of vaccines, was a controversial choice for HHS secretary. He was confirmed by the Senate on a largely party-line vote of 52-48.
Collins voted in favor of Kennedy's nomination, while U.S. Sen. Angus King, I-Maine, voted "no" calling Kennedy a "danger" and "manifestly hostile" to the agency's public health mission.
LIFE SCIENCES ECONOMY
Houseknecht said that the NIH grants have a "ripple effect" on the economy, as supplies and workers are needed to support the research, and it's also used to train students across the state. The NIH estimates that every dollar invested in its research results in $2.46 in economic activity.
"We train students in these labs for all sorts of careers," Houseknecht said. "It's important for our community."
Marnik, of MDI Bio Lab, said that "life sciences contribute more and more to Maine's overall economy. We already are dealing with a worker shortage, in Maine and particularly in STEM fields" and the cuts would make it harder to attract and retain workers.
MDI Bio Lab in 2024 landed a five-year, $19.4 million NIH training and workforce development grant. Called the Maine IDeA Network of Biomedical Research Excellence (INBRE), the grant connects 17 educational and research institutions, with the goal of further boosting the life sciences industry in Maine.
According to the Bioscience Association of Maine, life science jobs jumped 31% in Maine during the past five years, and there's now nearly 10,000 life science jobs in the state. The median income for a life sciences worker in Maine earns $108,287.
"These investments in research are so important, and the economic impact is enormous," Houseknecht said.
At MDI Bio Lab, the lost funding would be massive, as 69% of their NIH grants go for indirect costs, Marnik said. Of the total federal funds MDI receives per year — $7.1 million — the lab would lose $1.9 million from the NIH cuts, or about 25% of its total federal funding.
Marnik said the research they do focuses on regenerative science using animal models, such as zebrafish, which are often used for biomedical research because the fish share 70 percent of their genes with humans.
The zebrafish's abilities to regenerate its organs — including eyes, muscles and kidneys — are being studied by MDI Bio Lab to develop drugs that might treat a variety of diseases in humans.
"We have staff working really hard studying ALS, Alzheimer's, cancer," Marnik said. "One of our labs is working at reversing macular degeneration." Macular degeneration is a disease of the retina that causes vision loss.
The NIH grant process is intense, Marnik said, and they have to justify every dollar spent, and it goes through a vetting and annual auditing process.
"These numbers aren't just something we arbitrarily decided to charge the government," Marnik said.
The indirect costs pay for everything from electricity to chemicals, environmental science workers, and technicians to keep the machines running properly.
"For instance if we can't pay people to maintain the equipment, we have to have our researchers doing it, taking time away from doing the research," Marnik said. "A better use of our researchers' time is doing the lab work, not trying to figure out why the centrifuge isn't working."
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Chinese researchers suggest lasers and sabotage to counter Musk's Starlink satellites

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ROME -- Stealth submarines fitted with space-shooting lasers, supply-chain sabotage and custom-built attack satellites armed with ion thrusters. Those are just some of the strategies Chinese scientists have been developing to counter what Beijing sees as a potent threat: Elon Musk' s armada of Starlink communications satellites. Chinese government and military scientists, concerned about Starlink's potential use by adversaries in a military confrontation and for spying, have published dozens of papers in public journals that explore ways to hunt and destroy Musk's satellites, an Associated Press review found. Chinese researchers believe that Starlink — a vast constellation of low-orbit satellites that deliver cheap, fast and ubiquitous connectivity even in remote areas — poses a high risk to the Chinese government and its strategic interests. 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Concoct deep fakes to create fictitious targets. Shoot powerful lasers to burn Musk's equipment.

Chinese researchers suggest lasers and sabotage to counter Musk's Starlink satellites
Chinese researchers suggest lasers and sabotage to counter Musk's Starlink satellites

Boston Globe

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Chinese researchers suggest lasers and sabotage to counter Musk's Starlink satellites

Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up 'As the United States integrates Starlink technology into military space assets to gain a strategic advantage over its adversaries, other countries increasingly perceive Starlink as a security threat in nuclear, space, and cyber domains,' wrote professors from China's National University of Defense Technology in a 2023 paper. Advertisement Chinese researchers are not the only ones concerned about Starlink, which has a stranglehold on certain space-based communications. Some traditional U.S. allies are also questioning the wisdom of handing over core communications infrastructure — and a potential trove of data — to a company run by an unpredictable foreign businessman whose allegiances are not always clear. Apprehensions deepened after Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine made clear the battlefield advantages Starlink satellites could convey and have been exacerbated by Musk's proliferating political interests. Advertisement Musk pumped tens of millions of dollars into President Donald Trump's reelection effort and emerged, temporarily, as a key adviser and government official. As Musk toys with the idea of starting his own political party, he has also taken an increasing interest in European politics, using his influence to promote an array of hard-right and insurgent figures often at odds with establishment politicians. Musk left the Trump administration in May and within days his relationship with Trump publicly imploded in a feud on social media. SpaceX, the rocket launch and space-based communications company that Musk founded and that operates Starlink, remains inextricably linked with core U.S. government functions. It has won billions in contracts to provide launch services for NASA missions and military satellites, recuperate astronauts stranded at the International Space Station and build a network of spy satellites for the National Reconnaissance Office. Starlink's space dominance has sparked a global scramble to come up with viable alternatives. But its crushing first-mover advantage has given SpaceX near monopoly power, further complicating the currents of business, politics and national security that converge on Musk and his companies. Starlink dominates space Since its first launches in 2019, Starlink has come to account for about two-thirds of all active satellites, according to Jonathan McDowell, an astronomer at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, who writes a newsletter tracking satellite launches. SpaceX operates more than 8,000 active satellites and eventually aims to deploy tens of thousands more. Beijing's tendency to view Starlink as tool of U.S. military power has sharpened its efforts to develop countermeasures — which, if deployed, could increase the risk of collateral damage to other customers as SpaceX expands its global footprint. The same satellites that pass over China also potentially serve Europe, Ukraine, the United States and other geographies as they continue their path around the earth. Advertisement Starlink says it operates in more than 140 countries, and recently made inroads in Vietnam, Niger, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Pakistan. In June, Starlink also obtained a license to operate in India, overcoming national security concerns and powerful domestic telecom interests to crack open a tech-savvy market of nearly 1.5 billion people. On the company's own map of coverage, it has very few dead zones beyond those in North Korea, Iran and China. No other country or company is close to catching up with Starlink. Amazon billionaire Jeff Bezos has taken aim at rival Musk with Project Kuiper, which launched its first batch of internet satellites into orbit in April. So far Amazon has just 78 satellites in orbit, with 3,232 planned, according to McDowell, and London-based Eutelstat OneWeb has around 650 satellites in orbit, a fraction of the fleet it had initially planned. The European Union is spending billions to develop its own satellite array — called the IRIS2 initiative — but remains woefully behind. EU officials have had to lobby their own member states not to sign contracts with Starlink while it gets up and running. 'We are allies with the United States of America, but we need to have our strategic autonomy,' said Christophe Grudler, a French member of the European Parliament who led legislative work on IRIS2. 'The risk is not having our destiny in our own hands.' China has been public about its ambition to build its own version of Starlink to meet both domestic national security needs and compete with Starlink in foreign markets. In 2021, Beijing established the state-owned China SatNet company and tasked it with launching a megaconstellation with military capabilities, known as Guowang. In December, the company launched its first operational satellites, and now has 60 of a planned 13,000 in orbit, according to McDowell. Advertisement Qianfan, a company backed by the Shanghai government, has launched 90 satellites out of some 15,000 planned. The Brazilian government in November announced a deal with Qianfan, after Musk had a scorching public fight with a Brazilian judge investigating X, who also froze Space X's bank accounts in the country. Qianfan is also targeting customers in Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Oman, Pakistan and Uzbekistan and has ambitions to expand across the African continent, according to a slide presented at a space industry conference last year and published by the China Space Monitor. Russia's invasion of Ukraine supercharges concerns Concerns about Starlink's supremacy were supercharged by Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The war was a turning point in strategic thinking about Starlink and similar systems. Ukraine used the Starlink network to facilitate battlefield communications and power fighter and reconnaissance drones, providing a decisive ground-game advantage. At the same time, access to the satellites was initially controlled by a single man, Musk, who can — and did — interrupt critical services, refusing, for example, to extend coverage to support a Ukrainian counterattack in Russia-occupied Crimea. U.S.-led sanctions against Moscow after the full-scale invasion also curtailed the availability of Western technology in Russia, underscoring the geopolitical risks inherent in relying on foreign actors for access to critical infrastructure. 'Ukraine was a warning shot for the rest of us,' said Nitin Pai, co-founder and director of the Takshashila Institution, a public policy research center based in Bangalore, India. 'For the last 20 years, we were quite aware of the fact that giving important government contracts to Chinese companies is risky because Chinese companies operate as appendages of the Chinese Communist Party. Therefore, it's a risk because the Chinese Communist Party can use technology as a lever against you. Now it's no different with the Americans.' Advertisement Nearly all of the 64 papers about Starlink reviewed by AP in Chinese journals were published after the conflict started. Assessing Starlink's capabilities and vulnerabilities Starlink's omnipresence and potential military applications have unnerved Beijing and spurred the nation's scientists to action. In paper after paper, researchers painstakingly assessed the capabilities and vulnerabilities of a network that they clearly perceive as menacing and strove to understand what China might learn — and emulate — from Musk's company as Beijing works to develop a similar satellite system. Though Starlink does not operate in China, Musk's satellites nonetheless can sweep over Chinese territory. Researchers from China's National Defense University in 2023 simulated Starlink's coverage of key geographies, including Beijing, Taiwan, and the polar regions, and determined that Starlink can achieve round-the-clock coverage of Beijing. 'The Starlink constellation coverage capacity of all regions in the world is improving steadily and in high speed,' they concluded. In another paper — this one published by the government-backed China Industrial Control Systems Cyber Emergency Response Team — researchers mapped out vulnerabilities in Starlink's supply chain. 'The company has more than 140 first-tier suppliers and a large number of second-tier and third-tier suppliers downstream,' they wrote in a 2023 paper. 'The supervision for cybersecurity is limited.' Advertisement Engineers from the People's Liberation Army, in another 2023 paper, suggested creating a fleet of satellites to tail Starlink satellites, collecting signals and potentially using corrosive materials to damage their batteries or ion thrusters to interfere with their solar panels. Other Chinese academics have encouraged Beijing to use global regulations and diplomacy to contain Musk, even as the nation's engineers have continued to elaborate active countermeasures: Deploy small optical telescopes already in commercial production to monitor Starlink arrays. Concoct deep fakes to create fictitious targets. Shoot powerful lasers to burn Musk's equipment. Some U.S. analysts say Beijing's fears may be overblown, but such assessments appear to have done little to cool domestic debate. One Chinese paper was titled, simply: 'Watch out for that Starlink.' Chen reported from Washington.

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