French petition against return of bee-killing pesticide passes 1mn
The so-called "Duplomb law" has stirred public anger for permitting a return of acetamiprid -- a chemical known to be toxic to pollinators such as bees and to ecosystems. It was adopted on July 8 but has not yet come into effect.
A 23-year-old master's student launched the petition against the law on July 10, with support quickly snowballing with the backing of many including actors and several left-wing lawmakers. More than 500,000 people signed it in 24 hours from Saturday and Sunday alone.
The law's proponents however argue farmers face too much regulation in France as is, and allowing them to use acetamiprid again would help reduce the constraints they face.
National Assembly Speaker Yael Braun-Pivet on Sunday ruled out abandoning the legislation, named after the conservative lawmaker who proposed it, as it would "save a certain number of our farmers".
The petition's author, Eleonore Pattery, who describes herself as "a future environmental health professional", called the new law a "scientific, ethical, environmental and public health aberration".
"It represents a frontal attack on public health, biodiversity, the coherence of climate policies, food security, and common sense," she said.
- 'Bee killer' -
Acetamiprid has been banned in France since 2018, but remains legal within the European Union.
The insecticide is particularly sought after by beet and hazelnut growers, who say they have no alternative against pests and face unfair competition.
On the other hand, beekeepers have branded the chemical "a bee killer". French scientists who have studied its disorientating effects on bees confirm it is toxic to them.
Its effects on humans are also a source of concern but, in the absence of large-scale studies, its risks remain unclear.
The petition calls for the "immediate repeal" of the law and a "citizen-led consultation involving health, agricultural, environmental and legal stakeholders".
Launched on July 10, two days after the Senate adopted the text, it had already passed 500,000 signatures on Saturday.
- Appeal to Macron -
Petitions do not in themselves trigger a review or repeal of the legislation but unprecedented public support may prompt renewed parliamentary discussion on the matter.
Under French rules, if a petition reaches 500,000 verified signatures, the National Assembly may choose to hold a public debate limited to the content of the petition itself.
Speaker Braun-Pivet told the broadcaster franceinfo on Sunday she would be in favour of such a debate, but lawmakers "could not in any case go back on the law which has been voted through".
President Emmanuel Macron does have the power to send the text back for deputies to re-examine it, and on Sunday Green party leader Marine Tondelier appealed to him to do just that in a video posted online.
In late June, ahead of the law's passage, several thousand demonstrators -- including farmers, environmental organisations and scientists -- rallied across France calling for the bill to be withdrawn.
are/jj/gv
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

AU Financial Review
3 hours ago
- AU Financial Review
Setback for Australia-EU trade talks after Trump's tariff twist
Canberra's hopes for a swift conclusion to free trade negotiations with the European Union have vanished, just as Donald Trump has indicated that the minimum 10 per cent import tariff he imposed on all Australian goods could be lifted to 15 or 20 per cent. After negotiations between Australia and the EU collapsed in October 2023, the parties rekindled talks in June this year as both sought insurance against the impact of Trump's global trade war.


SBS Australia
8 hours ago
- SBS Australia
SBS News in Easy English 29 July 2025
The United Nations Secretary General has urged leaders to support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at an international conference lead by Saudi Arabia and France. Fifty ministers have gathered at the U-N for the three-day conference in New York. Both Israel and the United States have refused to participate in the meeting, which is being attended by representatives of 125 countries. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres says the solution must be reached urgently to meet the needs of both parties. "This conflict cannot be managed. It must be resolved. We cannot wait for perfect conditions. We must create them. We cannot defer peace efforts until suffering becomes unbearable. We must act before it is too late." Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says he remains focused on easing cost-of-living pressures, highlighting a planned cut to prescription medicine prices. The government is introducing a bill today to lower the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme co-payment cap from $31.60 to $25. With opposition support, the bill is expected to pass quickly, and the changes are set to take effect from the 1st of January 2026. United States President Donald Trump has given Russia 10 to 12 days to reach a peace deal with Ukraine, sharply reducing his original 50-day deadline. The U-S President says there's no reason to wait the full term, considering the lack of progress. Mr Trump says Russia will face further sanctions if no peace deal with Ukraine is reached. "So what I'm doing is we're going to do secondary sanctions, unless we make a deal. And we might make a deal. I don't know. I don't know. You don't know. We've done so many peace deals. This is the one I started out with. And you know, this Putin called me. He wanted to know if I could help him with Iran. I said, no, I don't need your help with Iran, I need your help with Russia. And so that's the one deal that continues to linger." Mr Trump says he's had several promising talks with President Vladimir Putin, but each was followed by renewed violence between Russia and Ukraine. There have been two separate mass shootings in the United States. In New York, a gunman opened fire inside a Manhattan skyscraper housing financial firms and the N-F-L headquarters. The shooter, reportedly wearing a bulletproof vest and carrying an A-R-style rifle, critically injured a police officer and a bystander before taking his own life. Australian backstroke star Kaylee McKeown is to face arch-rival Regan Smith in the 100 metre backstroke final at the World Championships in Singapore. McKeown, a two-time Olympic champion, qualified second-fastest behind the American, who holds the current world record of 57.13 second, just ahead of McKeown's former mark of 57.33. While their showdown promises to be a highlight, McKeown says she's focused on enjoying the race rather than adopting a win-at-all-costs mindset.


The Advertiser
9 hours ago
- The Advertiser
Why Australia should worry about who's helping our neighbours
As Western countries slash foreign aid and trade tensions escalate, south-east Asia is facing a development squeeze that risks weakening both its resilience and autonomy. With Washington retreating and Brussels distracted, China is steadily consolidating its role as the region's dominant development partner, now delivering over a third of all support to south-east Asia. This is a deeply uncomfortable picture for Australia, given our future is wedded to that of our region. Australia cannot compete head-to-head with China on financing. But it is hardly a passive bystander. Prioritising Australia's foreign aid to where it is needed most, boosting cooperation with Japan and South Korea as major infrastructure financiers, and lifting our commercial engagement all need to be part of how Australia adjusts to a changed regional landscape. The Trump administration has abruptly cut about US$60 billion in overseas aid. The European Union and seven of its member states have pledged a further US$17 billion in cuts through to 2029. The UK has already slashed more than £6 billion a year. These are not temporary belt-tightening measures. They are a sustained withdrawal. The impact in south-east Asia will be uneven. Larger economies like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines will weather the storm. But in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Timor-Leste, the consequences will be substantial. Western aid funds schools, clinics, civil society groups, environmental protection, and humanitarian relief. The sudden drop in aid to these areas will deepen the divide between Southeast Asia's haves and have-nots, undermining long-term stability and regional cohesion. Meanwhile, the centre of gravity in development finance and influence is drifting from the West to the East. The most recent Lowy Institute Southeast Asia Aid Map shows that Chinese financing to the region has rebounded in recent years, driven by big-ticket infrastructure projects in Indonesia and Malaysia. Japan and South Korea, though quieter, remain consistent, with South Korea signalling plans to scale up its aid efforts. In contrast, Western donors are fading from the field, leaving the shaping of development priorities increasingly to others. As Western presence shrinks, south-east Asian nations - particularly the most aid-dependent - are left with fewer choices and less negotiating power. Many will turn to Beijing by necessity, not preference. The result: reduced agency, potential for less transparency, and fewer checks on how projects are selected, financed, and delivered. This turning point presents an opportunity for Australia to step up. Unlike many of our Western counterparts, Australia has not dramatically cut aid to the region. At around $900 million annually - mostly in grants - we are already the third-largest provider of grant-based assistance in south-east Asia. That is a national asset, if we use it wisely. First, we must direct aid where it is needed most. In Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, up to 80 per cent of support for education, health, and civil society comes from Western donors. As that funding disappears, Australia can play a crucial stabilising role. While recent initiatives, such as the $2 billion Southeast Asia Infrastructure Financing Facility, are aimed at boosting private investment in larger economies like Indonesia and Vietnam, poorer nations require a different approach: targeted, sustained, grant-based support. Australia should pursue a dual-track strategy: maintaining commercial engagement in emerging markets, while rebalancing some aid towards countries that lack access to private capital but face the most urgent development needs. Second, we should deepen partnerships with like-minded Asian donors. As Western aid pulls back and China's influence is poised to grow in its wake, we should be working more closely with regional partners that share our values. Japan and South Korea share Australia's commitments on transparency, accountability, and long-term engagement. They also have substantial financial firepower. Australia should spearhead a coalition of partners to identify critical funding gaps and fill them, through co-financing, joint programs, and co-ordinated technical assistance. This would give Southeast Asian countries real alternatives to opaque or debt-heavy financing models. Finally, our Southeast Asia Economic Strategy must deliver. The strategy has rightly recognised the need to boost Australian business engagement. While still in its early stages, it has made promising strides. But momentum must be sustained. As south-east Asia's export-driven development model comes under pressure, there is an opening for Australian businesses to play a larger role. Australia doesn't need to outspend China. But we do need to show consistency, intelligence and credibility in how we engage. Aid is not charity; it is statecraft. It is how we help shape favourable outcomes, support stable growth, and ensure Australia has a lasting voice in a region that will define our future. The choices we make now will determine whether south-east Asia continues to develop with us, or without us. As Western countries slash foreign aid and trade tensions escalate, south-east Asia is facing a development squeeze that risks weakening both its resilience and autonomy. With Washington retreating and Brussels distracted, China is steadily consolidating its role as the region's dominant development partner, now delivering over a third of all support to south-east Asia. This is a deeply uncomfortable picture for Australia, given our future is wedded to that of our region. Australia cannot compete head-to-head with China on financing. But it is hardly a passive bystander. Prioritising Australia's foreign aid to where it is needed most, boosting cooperation with Japan and South Korea as major infrastructure financiers, and lifting our commercial engagement all need to be part of how Australia adjusts to a changed regional landscape. The Trump administration has abruptly cut about US$60 billion in overseas aid. The European Union and seven of its member states have pledged a further US$17 billion in cuts through to 2029. The UK has already slashed more than £6 billion a year. These are not temporary belt-tightening measures. They are a sustained withdrawal. The impact in south-east Asia will be uneven. Larger economies like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines will weather the storm. But in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Timor-Leste, the consequences will be substantial. Western aid funds schools, clinics, civil society groups, environmental protection, and humanitarian relief. The sudden drop in aid to these areas will deepen the divide between Southeast Asia's haves and have-nots, undermining long-term stability and regional cohesion. Meanwhile, the centre of gravity in development finance and influence is drifting from the West to the East. The most recent Lowy Institute Southeast Asia Aid Map shows that Chinese financing to the region has rebounded in recent years, driven by big-ticket infrastructure projects in Indonesia and Malaysia. Japan and South Korea, though quieter, remain consistent, with South Korea signalling plans to scale up its aid efforts. In contrast, Western donors are fading from the field, leaving the shaping of development priorities increasingly to others. As Western presence shrinks, south-east Asian nations - particularly the most aid-dependent - are left with fewer choices and less negotiating power. Many will turn to Beijing by necessity, not preference. The result: reduced agency, potential for less transparency, and fewer checks on how projects are selected, financed, and delivered. This turning point presents an opportunity for Australia to step up. Unlike many of our Western counterparts, Australia has not dramatically cut aid to the region. At around $900 million annually - mostly in grants - we are already the third-largest provider of grant-based assistance in south-east Asia. That is a national asset, if we use it wisely. First, we must direct aid where it is needed most. In Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, up to 80 per cent of support for education, health, and civil society comes from Western donors. As that funding disappears, Australia can play a crucial stabilising role. While recent initiatives, such as the $2 billion Southeast Asia Infrastructure Financing Facility, are aimed at boosting private investment in larger economies like Indonesia and Vietnam, poorer nations require a different approach: targeted, sustained, grant-based support. Australia should pursue a dual-track strategy: maintaining commercial engagement in emerging markets, while rebalancing some aid towards countries that lack access to private capital but face the most urgent development needs. Second, we should deepen partnerships with like-minded Asian donors. As Western aid pulls back and China's influence is poised to grow in its wake, we should be working more closely with regional partners that share our values. Japan and South Korea share Australia's commitments on transparency, accountability, and long-term engagement. They also have substantial financial firepower. Australia should spearhead a coalition of partners to identify critical funding gaps and fill them, through co-financing, joint programs, and co-ordinated technical assistance. This would give Southeast Asian countries real alternatives to opaque or debt-heavy financing models. Finally, our Southeast Asia Economic Strategy must deliver. The strategy has rightly recognised the need to boost Australian business engagement. While still in its early stages, it has made promising strides. But momentum must be sustained. As south-east Asia's export-driven development model comes under pressure, there is an opening for Australian businesses to play a larger role. Australia doesn't need to outspend China. But we do need to show consistency, intelligence and credibility in how we engage. Aid is not charity; it is statecraft. It is how we help shape favourable outcomes, support stable growth, and ensure Australia has a lasting voice in a region that will define our future. The choices we make now will determine whether south-east Asia continues to develop with us, or without us. As Western countries slash foreign aid and trade tensions escalate, south-east Asia is facing a development squeeze that risks weakening both its resilience and autonomy. With Washington retreating and Brussels distracted, China is steadily consolidating its role as the region's dominant development partner, now delivering over a third of all support to south-east Asia. This is a deeply uncomfortable picture for Australia, given our future is wedded to that of our region. Australia cannot compete head-to-head with China on financing. But it is hardly a passive bystander. Prioritising Australia's foreign aid to where it is needed most, boosting cooperation with Japan and South Korea as major infrastructure financiers, and lifting our commercial engagement all need to be part of how Australia adjusts to a changed regional landscape. The Trump administration has abruptly cut about US$60 billion in overseas aid. The European Union and seven of its member states have pledged a further US$17 billion in cuts through to 2029. The UK has already slashed more than £6 billion a year. These are not temporary belt-tightening measures. They are a sustained withdrawal. The impact in south-east Asia will be uneven. Larger economies like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines will weather the storm. But in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Timor-Leste, the consequences will be substantial. Western aid funds schools, clinics, civil society groups, environmental protection, and humanitarian relief. The sudden drop in aid to these areas will deepen the divide between Southeast Asia's haves and have-nots, undermining long-term stability and regional cohesion. Meanwhile, the centre of gravity in development finance and influence is drifting from the West to the East. The most recent Lowy Institute Southeast Asia Aid Map shows that Chinese financing to the region has rebounded in recent years, driven by big-ticket infrastructure projects in Indonesia and Malaysia. Japan and South Korea, though quieter, remain consistent, with South Korea signalling plans to scale up its aid efforts. In contrast, Western donors are fading from the field, leaving the shaping of development priorities increasingly to others. As Western presence shrinks, south-east Asian nations - particularly the most aid-dependent - are left with fewer choices and less negotiating power. Many will turn to Beijing by necessity, not preference. The result: reduced agency, potential for less transparency, and fewer checks on how projects are selected, financed, and delivered. This turning point presents an opportunity for Australia to step up. Unlike many of our Western counterparts, Australia has not dramatically cut aid to the region. At around $900 million annually - mostly in grants - we are already the third-largest provider of grant-based assistance in south-east Asia. That is a national asset, if we use it wisely. First, we must direct aid where it is needed most. In Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, up to 80 per cent of support for education, health, and civil society comes from Western donors. As that funding disappears, Australia can play a crucial stabilising role. While recent initiatives, such as the $2 billion Southeast Asia Infrastructure Financing Facility, are aimed at boosting private investment in larger economies like Indonesia and Vietnam, poorer nations require a different approach: targeted, sustained, grant-based support. Australia should pursue a dual-track strategy: maintaining commercial engagement in emerging markets, while rebalancing some aid towards countries that lack access to private capital but face the most urgent development needs. Second, we should deepen partnerships with like-minded Asian donors. As Western aid pulls back and China's influence is poised to grow in its wake, we should be working more closely with regional partners that share our values. Japan and South Korea share Australia's commitments on transparency, accountability, and long-term engagement. They also have substantial financial firepower. Australia should spearhead a coalition of partners to identify critical funding gaps and fill them, through co-financing, joint programs, and co-ordinated technical assistance. This would give Southeast Asian countries real alternatives to opaque or debt-heavy financing models. Finally, our Southeast Asia Economic Strategy must deliver. The strategy has rightly recognised the need to boost Australian business engagement. While still in its early stages, it has made promising strides. But momentum must be sustained. As south-east Asia's export-driven development model comes under pressure, there is an opening for Australian businesses to play a larger role. Australia doesn't need to outspend China. But we do need to show consistency, intelligence and credibility in how we engage. Aid is not charity; it is statecraft. It is how we help shape favourable outcomes, support stable growth, and ensure Australia has a lasting voice in a region that will define our future. The choices we make now will determine whether south-east Asia continues to develop with us, or without us. As Western countries slash foreign aid and trade tensions escalate, south-east Asia is facing a development squeeze that risks weakening both its resilience and autonomy. With Washington retreating and Brussels distracted, China is steadily consolidating its role as the region's dominant development partner, now delivering over a third of all support to south-east Asia. This is a deeply uncomfortable picture for Australia, given our future is wedded to that of our region. Australia cannot compete head-to-head with China on financing. But it is hardly a passive bystander. Prioritising Australia's foreign aid to where it is needed most, boosting cooperation with Japan and South Korea as major infrastructure financiers, and lifting our commercial engagement all need to be part of how Australia adjusts to a changed regional landscape. The Trump administration has abruptly cut about US$60 billion in overseas aid. The European Union and seven of its member states have pledged a further US$17 billion in cuts through to 2029. The UK has already slashed more than £6 billion a year. These are not temporary belt-tightening measures. They are a sustained withdrawal. The impact in south-east Asia will be uneven. Larger economies like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines will weather the storm. But in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Timor-Leste, the consequences will be substantial. Western aid funds schools, clinics, civil society groups, environmental protection, and humanitarian relief. The sudden drop in aid to these areas will deepen the divide between Southeast Asia's haves and have-nots, undermining long-term stability and regional cohesion. Meanwhile, the centre of gravity in development finance and influence is drifting from the West to the East. The most recent Lowy Institute Southeast Asia Aid Map shows that Chinese financing to the region has rebounded in recent years, driven by big-ticket infrastructure projects in Indonesia and Malaysia. Japan and South Korea, though quieter, remain consistent, with South Korea signalling plans to scale up its aid efforts. In contrast, Western donors are fading from the field, leaving the shaping of development priorities increasingly to others. As Western presence shrinks, south-east Asian nations - particularly the most aid-dependent - are left with fewer choices and less negotiating power. Many will turn to Beijing by necessity, not preference. The result: reduced agency, potential for less transparency, and fewer checks on how projects are selected, financed, and delivered. This turning point presents an opportunity for Australia to step up. Unlike many of our Western counterparts, Australia has not dramatically cut aid to the region. At around $900 million annually - mostly in grants - we are already the third-largest provider of grant-based assistance in south-east Asia. That is a national asset, if we use it wisely. First, we must direct aid where it is needed most. In Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, up to 80 per cent of support for education, health, and civil society comes from Western donors. As that funding disappears, Australia can play a crucial stabilising role. While recent initiatives, such as the $2 billion Southeast Asia Infrastructure Financing Facility, are aimed at boosting private investment in larger economies like Indonesia and Vietnam, poorer nations require a different approach: targeted, sustained, grant-based support. Australia should pursue a dual-track strategy: maintaining commercial engagement in emerging markets, while rebalancing some aid towards countries that lack access to private capital but face the most urgent development needs. Second, we should deepen partnerships with like-minded Asian donors. As Western aid pulls back and China's influence is poised to grow in its wake, we should be working more closely with regional partners that share our values. Japan and South Korea share Australia's commitments on transparency, accountability, and long-term engagement. They also have substantial financial firepower. Australia should spearhead a coalition of partners to identify critical funding gaps and fill them, through co-financing, joint programs, and co-ordinated technical assistance. This would give Southeast Asian countries real alternatives to opaque or debt-heavy financing models. Finally, our Southeast Asia Economic Strategy must deliver. The strategy has rightly recognised the need to boost Australian business engagement. While still in its early stages, it has made promising strides. But momentum must be sustained. As south-east Asia's export-driven development model comes under pressure, there is an opening for Australian businesses to play a larger role. Australia doesn't need to outspend China. But we do need to show consistency, intelligence and credibility in how we engage. Aid is not charity; it is statecraft. It is how we help shape favourable outcomes, support stable growth, and ensure Australia has a lasting voice in a region that will define our future. The choices we make now will determine whether south-east Asia continues to develop with us, or without us.