Caribbean nations have yet to send forces to Haiti to join Kenya-led mission. Here's why
Long before Guatemala and El Salvador agreed to deploy military forces to join the international armed mission to help Haiti's beleaguered security forces fight terrorizing gangs, Jamaica raised its hand.
The country, just 118 miles west of Haiti, not only has one of the more experienced militaries in the Caribbean when it comes to taking on criminal gangs alongside police, its defense force has been increasingly focusing on digital threats, which Haitian gangs are rapidly using to announce attacks and show their prowess.
Still, as the security situation in Haiti grows more desperate with gangs expanding their territory to now control as much as 90% of Port-au-Prince, the English-speaking Caribbean nation still hasn't fully deployed. Nor have The Bahamas, Belize or any of the other Caribbean countries that volunteered to field police and military to the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission in Haiti.
The delay, observers say, is both a matter of funding as well as safety, which hit home Sunday when the mission confirmed its first casualty, a Kenyan police officer. The cop was injured during a firefight with gangs in the Artibonite region north of Port-au-Prince, and died after he was airlifted by members of the Salvadoran army.
The details of what happened have still not been made public. But the dangers that Haiti's crises continue to pose loomed large last week as the 15-member Caribbean Community regional bloc known as CARICOM discussed the ongoing problems in Haiti, a member country.
'The region continues to be committed to ensuring that Haiti is stabilized and that the security situation can be brought into order,' Mia Mottley, Barbados' prime minister and current CARICOM chair, said during comments at a closing press conference Friday.
Last month, as the United Nations reported that gang-related violence had led to the killings of more than 5,600 people in 2024 and more than a million are now internally displaced, Barbados became the latest country to publicly back out of deploying a contingent to join the Kenyan mission.
'Our position really has always been that our numbers are better suited in providing the technical support,' Mottley said. 'We don't have the numbers that other countries have with respect to the capacity to offer those boots on the ground.'
The Caribbean forces in Haiti include 31 soldiers and police officers from Jamaica, Belize and The Bahamas. Jamaica Prime Minister Andrew Holness said he remains committed to deploying the 200 security personnel he pledged in September. At the time, Holness said the initial group, which include the mission's deputy force commander, would lay out the command structure and prepare for the future deployment.
'The commitment for troops and other personnel remains,' Holness said. 'Jamaica sent a command group to Haiti to assist in the development of logistics and planning. That group is due for rotation. They are there for almost six months. Upon rotation, a larger group will be sent. Possibly double the size, and then shortly thereafter, the full complement that we committed of 200 will be on the ground.'
Holness did not give a timeline on what overall has been a slow deployment of forces. First requested by the Haitian government in October 2022, the Kenyan mission wasn't authorized by the U.N. Security Council until a year later and the first troops didn't start deploying until June of 2024.
In that time, armed groups have escalated the violence, launching coordinated attacks against police stations, hospitals and other key government infrastructure, including the airport and seaport.
Though hundreds of additional troops from Kenya, Guatemala and El Salvador have arrived since the start of the year, including the first all-female SWAT unit from Nairobi, to boost the forces on the ground, the mission is still at less than half of the 2,500 personnel originally envisioned.
READ MORE: Caribbean leaders agree Haiti needs elections. The debate is on how soon they can happen
Though Haiti's current instability goes as far back as 2017 when gangs carried out a large-scale massacre in the Grand Ravine neighborhood of the capital, the country's near total plunge into anarchy was precipitated with the 2021 assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moise.
Holness said it was important to keep in mind that the establishment and preparation for deployment of the mission has not been straightforward.
'We have to ensure that when we deploy issues such as the availability of medevac, the availability of facilities to properly and appropriately house the personnel, that those are in existence. And that may not have always been the case, so we have to build out and deploy troops according to the facilities that are available,' he said.
He was confident, he added, that all the facilities will be available for full deployment.
Earlier this month, Salvadoran forces landed in Port-au-Prince as part of a 70-person medevac team that consisted of three helicopters, one of which was used on Sunday to airlift the injured Kenyan back to Port-au-Prince.
Ahead of the tragedy, Caribbean leaders met with U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres to discuss the future of the mission amid its uncertain funding. Guterres told leaders that he plans to present a plan later this week to the Security Council, which had been asked by the outgoing Biden administration and Ecuador to transform the Kenyan mission into a formal U.N. peacekeeping operation to address its lack of funding, equipment and personnel.
Instead of proposing a peacekeeping mission, however, Guterres is proposing a model where the U.N. provides logistical and non-lethal support to the existing Kenyan-security mission and the salaries are paid for by voluntary contributions to a U.N.-controlled trust fund.
'This follows a very thorough assessment of the full range of options for the U.N. to support the medium-term security goals of Haiti, in line with what we can realistically do,' Guterres spokesman Stéphane Dujarric, said.
Currently that trust fund has $110.8 million with Canada being the largest contributor. The U.S. recently froze its $15 million cash contribution meant to encourage other donors after Washington financed the lion's share of the mission, with more than $600 million in kind-donations, equipment and the construction of the base.
So far, no Latin American country has contributed to the fund. Neither has Russia nor China, the two loudest critics of foreign intervention in Haiti.
The lack of funding, one Caribbean official pointed out, has been a major obstacle to the deployment of regional forces.
The critical need for additional boots on the ground was underscored last week as both Haitian police and the MSS continued their efforts to stop the advancement of armed gangs in Kenscoff, a community in the mountains above the capital, and found themselves stretched thin as gangs set fires to homes in the neighborhoods of Nazon and Carrefour-Feuilles, sending residents running into the streets.
The death of the Kenyan cop, identified as Samuel Tompei Kaetuai, a father of two who was newly married, occurred on another battle front further north in the central Artibonite region.
Amid the surge in gang violence — and ongoing political infighting and power struggles within the government that's severly undermining efforts to restore security— a police union on Monday demanded that the transitional government increase protections and equipment for police officers. Union leader Garry Jean Baptist, during a protest outside of the offices of the prime minister and presidential council, also said cops were not being paid on time. As he spoke, a handful of civilians held up signs that said, 'We deserve security.'
Later, in a speech marking his first 100 days in office, Prime Minister Alix Dider Fils-Aimé promised a doubling of the budget for security, saying 'We are at war against gangs.' Recent investments in equipment and support for the Haiti National Police, he said, show the government's commitment to fighting gangs, which is a prerequisite for ending the transition by February 7, 2026 with a newly elected president and parliament.
'Security is the condition for a successful transition. There will be no referendum or elections without security,' Fils-Aimé said. 'No force can stand up to the State when it chooses to make proper use of all its resources to deliver results.'
Already this year, eight Haitian police officers have been killed along with two members of Haiti's small army. Most of the deaths occurred in confrontations with gangs, according to a report compiled by the National Human Rights Defense Network.
Pierre Esperance, the head of the group, said despite efforts by Caribbean governments last year to help Haiti put in place a transitional government the situation has only become worse.
'We've gone backwards,' Esperance said. 'There is more political instability today and worsening of security. There are more territories that have been lost,' he said, as he ticked off neighborhoods in the metropolitan area as well as parts of the Artibonite region that have now fallen to gangs: Carrefour, Solino, Nazon, Gressier, Ganthier, Cabaret, communities in Kenscoff and the entire hospital district in Port-au-Prince. 'It's under this government that the gangs have burned more hospitals.'
Even the area around the U.S. embassy in Tabarre has not been spared the wrath of armed gangs.
'The U.S. embassy was always operational between 30% and 40%. Now I think it's at 10%,' Esperance said.
CARICOM leaders say there have been improvements. They cite the creation of the Transitional Presidential Council, whose seven voting members and two observers represent the leading political parties and sectors in Haiti's political life. They also cite the efforts of three former Caribbean prime ministers who have tried to mediate a brewing crisis on the council involving three members who have been accused of bribery.
The three have insisted on their innocence and dismissed calls to step down.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


San Francisco Chronicle
27 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent
SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Days before his arrest outside his daughter's house in the outskirts of San Salvador, constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya called Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele a 'dictator' and a 'despot' on live TV. This week, lawyer Jaime Quintanilla stood outside a detention facility in El Salvador's capital with a box of food and clothes for his client, unsure if Anaya would ever be released. The Saturday arrest of Anaya, a fierce critic of Bukele, marks the latest move in what watchdogs describe as a wave of crackdown on dissent by the Central American leader. They say Bukele is emboldened by his alliance with U.S. President Donald Trump, who has not only praised him but avoided criticizing actions human rights defenders, international authorities and legal experts deem authoritarian. Authorities in El Salvador have targeted outspoken lawyers like Anaya, journalists investigating Bukele's alleged deals with gangs and human rights defenders calling for the end of a three-year state of emergency, which has suspended fundamental civil rights. Some say they have been forced to flee the country. 'They're trying to silence anyone who voices an opinion — professionals, ideologues, anyone who is critical — now they're jailed.' Quintanilla said. 'It's a vendetta.' 'I don't care if you call me a dictator' Observers see a worrisome escalation by the popular president, who enjoys extremely high approval ratings due to his crackdown on the country's gangs. By suspending fundamental rights, Bukele has severely weakened gangs but also locked up 87,000 people for alleged gang ties, often with little evidence or due process. A number of those detained were also critics. Bukele and his New Ideas party have taken control of all three branches of government, stacking the country's Supreme Court with loyalists. Last year, in a move considered unconstitutional, he ran for reelection, securing a resounding victory. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator," Bukele said earlier this month in a speech. "Better that than seeing Salvadorans killed on the streets.' In recent weeks, those who have long acted as a thorn in Bukele's side say looming threats have reached an inflection point. The crackdown comes as Bukele has garnered global attention for keeping some 200 Venezuelan deportees detained in a mega-prison built for gangs as part of an agreement with the Trump administration. 'Of course I'm scared' Anaya was detained by authorities on unproven accusations of money laundering. Prosecutors said he would be sent to 'relevant courts" in the coming days. Quintanilla, his lawyer, rejects the allegations, saying his arrest stems from years of vocally questioning Bukele. Quintanilla, a longtime colleague of Anaya, said he decided to represent his friend in part because many other lawyers in the country were now too afraid to show their faces. On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expressed 'deep concern' over Anaya's arrest. Anaya, 61, is a respected lawyer and commentator in El Salvador with a doctorate in constitutional law. He has criticized Bukele's crackdown on the gangs and Bukele stacking of El Salvador's high court. Last year, he was among those who unsuccessfully petitioned the country's top electoral authority to reject Bukele's re-election bid, saying it violated the constitution. Days before his arrest, Anaya railed on television against the detention of human rights lawyer Ruth López, who last week shouted, 'They're not going to silence me, I want a public trial,' as police escorted her shackled to court. 'Of course I'm scared,' Anaya told the broadcast anchor. 'I think that anyone here who dares to speak out, speaks in fear.' While some of Bukele's most vocal critics, like Anaya and López, have been publicly detained, other human rights defenders have quietly slipped out of the country, hoping to seek asylum elsewhere in the region. They declined to comment or be identified out of fear that they would be targeted even outside El Salvador. Fear and an ally in Trump Last month, a protest outside of Bukele's house was violently quashed by police and some of the protesters arrested. He also ordered the arrest of the heads of local bus companies for defying his order to offer free transport while a major highway was blocked. In late May, El Salvador's Congress passed a 'foreign agents' law, championed by the populist president. It resembles legislation implemented by governments in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Russia, Belarus and China to silence and criminalize dissent by exerting pressure on organizations that rely on overseas funding. Verónica Reyna, a human rights coordinator for the Salvadoran nonprofit Servicio Social Pasionista, said police cars now regularly wait outside her group's offices as a lingering threat. 'It's been little-by-little,' Reyna said. 'Since Trump came to power, we've seen (Bukele) feel like there's no government that's going to strongly criticize him or try to stop him.' Trump's influence extends beyond his vocal backing of Bukele, with his administration pushing legal boundaries to push his agenda, Reyna, other human rights defenders and journalists said. The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, which once regularly denounced the government's actions, has remained silent throughout the arrests and lingering threats. It did not respond to a request for comment. In its final year, the Biden administration, too, dialed back its criticism of the Bukele government as El Salvador's government helped slow migration north in the lead up to the 2024 election. On Tuesday, Quintanilla visited Anaya in detention for the first time since his arrest while being watched by police officers. Despite the detention, neither Anaya nor Quintanilla have been officially informed of the charges. Quintanilla worries that authorities will use wide ranging powers granted to Bukele by the 'state of emergency' to keep him imprisoned indefinitely. Journalists stranded Óscar Martínez, editor-in-chief of news site El Faro, and four other journalists have left the country and are unable to return safely, as they face the prospect of arrest stemming from their reporting. At a time when many other reporters have fallen silent out of fear, Martínez's news site has investigated Bukele more rigorously than perhaps any other, exposing hidden corruption and human rights abuses under his crackdown on gangs. In May, El Faro published a three-part interview with a former gang leader who claimed he negotiated with Bukele's administration. Soon after, Martínez said the organization received news that authorities were preparing an arrest order for a half-dozen of their journalists. This has kept at least five El Faro journalists, including Martínez, stranded outside their country for over a month. On Saturday, when the reporters tried to return home on a flight, a diplomatic source and a government official informed them that police had been sent to the airport to wait for them and likely arrest them. The journalists later discovered that their names, along with other civil society leaders, appeared on a list of 'priority objectives" held by airport authorities. Martínez said Anaya's name was also on the list. Now in a nearby Central American nation, Martínez said he doesn't know when he will be able to board another flight home. And if he does, he doesn't know what will happen when he steps off. 'We fear that, if we return — because some of us surely will try — we'll be imprisoned,' he said. 'I am positive that if El Faro journalists are thrown in prison, we'll be tortured and, possibly, even killed." Janetsky reported from Mexico City. ____
Yahoo
43 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Pritzker to defend Illinois' sanctuary policies before congressional committee Thursday
It's the eve of one of the biggest moments of JB Pritzker's political career. In made-for-TV theater, the Illinois governor is in Washington to face the Republican-led House Oversight Committee. The hearing topic: sanctuary polices for undocumented immigrants. For Pritzker, long rumored to have his eye on a future White House run, the stakes are enormous. Pritzker's political future: Where things stand after passage of Illinois budget 'We're gonna see Donald Trump's Congressional Republicans really put on a show. And this is going to be full of political theatrics. They are going to try to put people on the spot, but I think Governor Pritzker is going to have a steady hand, he's going to do what he has always done, which is put the people of Illinois first,' said Lt. Governor Juliana Stratton. Governors of New York and Minnesota will also join Pritzker on the hot seat. Republicans are going after Sanctuary Laws, saying they protect criminals — and they're likely to focus on the Trust Act. This Illinois law enables people to report crime and call emergency services regardless of their immigration status. To prep, Pritzker retained a Washington, D.C. law firm. A source says the billionaire paid for their services out of his own pocket. He's also getting an assist from a former White House counsel to President Joe Biden. More than 15 arrested in Tuesday ICE protests; ICE tactical team on 'stand by' I think he'll be well prepared. He knows how aggressive the Republicans will be based on what they did with Mayor Johnson, but as you probably noticed, they kind of get ridiculous at some point,' said Congressman Raja Krishanmoorthi. In March, Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson was hauled before Congress when Republicans took aim at Sanctuary City mayors. The attacks were relentless. 'This is why you have 6 percent approval ratings because you suck at answering questions,' said Nancy Mace. 'When there's trust between these city residents and police, undocumented immigrants come forward to report crimes to local law enforcement and provide information that helps police solve those crimes,' Johnson responded. Back from Capitol Hill, mayor talks Congressional questioning, CTU contract, Dept. of Ed. Republican Congressman Darin LaHood, rumored to be considering a run for U.S. Senate or Illinois governor, is expected to join Thursday's hearing to question Pritzker. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
43 minutes ago
- Yahoo
With Trump as ally, El Salvador's President ramps up crackdown on dissent
SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador (AP) — Days before his arrest outside his daughter's house in the outskirts of San Salvador, constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya called Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele a 'dictator' and a 'despot' on live TV. This week, lawyer Jaime Quintanilla stood outside a detention facility in El Salvador's capital with a box of food and clothes for his client, unsure if Anaya would ever be released. The Saturday arrest of Anaya, a fierce critic of Bukele, marks the latest move in what watchdogs describe as a wave of crackdown on dissent by the Central American leader. They say Bukele is emboldened by his alliance with U.S. President Donald Trump, who has not only praised him but avoided criticizing actions human rights defenders, international authorities and legal experts deem authoritarian. Authorities in El Salvador have targeted outspoken lawyers like Anaya, journalists investigating Bukele's alleged deals with gangs and human rights defenders calling for the end of a three-year state of emergency, which has suspended fundamental civil rights. Some say they have been forced to flee the country. 'They're trying to silence anyone who voices an opinion — professionals, ideologues, anyone who is critical — now they're jailed.' Quintanilla said. 'It's a vendetta.' Bukele's office did not respond to a request for comment. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator' Observers see a worrisome escalation by the popular president, who enjoys extremely high approval ratings due to his crackdown on the country's gangs. By suspending fundamental rights, Bukele has severely weakened gangs but also locked up 87,000 people for alleged gang ties, often with little evidence or due process. A number of those detained were also critics. Bukele and his New Ideas party have taken control of all three branches of government, stacking the country's Supreme Court with loyalists. Last year, in a move considered unconstitutional, he ran for reelection, securing a resounding victory. 'I don't care if you call me a dictator," Bukele said earlier this month in a speech. "Better that than seeing Salvadorans killed on the streets.' In recent weeks, those who have long acted as a thorn in Bukele's side say looming threats have reached an inflection point. The crackdown comes as Bukele has garnered global attention for keeping some 200 Venezuelan deportees detained in a mega-prison built for gangs as part of an agreement with the Trump administration. 'Of course I'm scared' Anaya was detained by authorities on unproven accusations of money laundering. Prosecutors said he would be sent to 'relevant courts" in the coming days. Quintanilla, his lawyer, rejects the allegations, saying his arrest stems from years of vocally questioning Bukele. Quintanilla, a longtime colleague of Anaya, said he decided to represent his friend in part because many other lawyers in the country were now too afraid to show their faces. On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights expressed 'deep concern' over Anaya's arrest. Anaya, 61, is a respected lawyer and commentator in El Salvador with a doctorate in constitutional law. He has criticized Bukele's crackdown on the gangs and Bukele stacking of El Salvador's high court. Last year, he was among those who unsuccessfully petitioned the country's top electoral authority to reject Bukele's re-election bid, saying it violated the constitution. Days before his arrest, Anaya railed on television against the detention of human rights lawyer Ruth López, who last week shouted, 'They're not going to silence me, I want a public trial,' as police escorted her shackled to court. 'Of course I'm scared,' Anaya told the broadcast anchor. 'I think that anyone here who dares to speak out, speaks in fear.' While some of Bukele's most vocal critics, like Anaya and López, have been publicly detained, other human rights defenders have quietly slipped out of the country, hoping to seek asylum elsewhere in the region. They declined to comment or be identified out of fear that they would be targeted even outside El Salvador. Fear and an ally in Trump Last month, a protest outside of Bukele's house was violently quashed by police and some of the protesters arrested. He also ordered the arrest of the heads of local bus companies for defying his order to offer free transport while a major highway was blocked. In late May, El Salvador's Congress passed a 'foreign agents' law, championed by the populist president. It resembles legislation implemented by governments in Nicaragua, Venezuela, Russia, Belarus and China to silence and criminalize dissent by exerting pressure on organizations that rely on overseas funding. Verónica Reyna, a human rights coordinator for the Salvadoran nonprofit Servicio Social Pasionista, said police cars now regularly wait outside her group's offices as a lingering threat. 'It's been little-by-little,' Reyna said. 'Since Trump came to power, we've seen (Bukele) feel like there's no government that's going to strongly criticize him or try to stop him.' Trump's influence extends beyond his vocal backing of Bukele, with his administration pushing legal boundaries to push his agenda, Reyna, other human rights defenders and journalists said. The U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, which once regularly denounced the government's actions, has remained silent throughout the arrests and lingering threats. It did not respond to a request for comment. In its final year, the Biden administration, too, dialed back its criticism of the Bukele government as El Salvador's government helped slow migration north in the lead up to the 2024 election. On Tuesday, Quintanilla visited Anaya in detention for the first time since his arrest while being watched by police officers. Despite the detention, neither Anaya nor Quintanilla have been officially informed of the charges. Quintanilla worries that authorities will use wide ranging powers granted to Bukele by the 'state of emergency' to keep him imprisoned indefinitely. Journalists stranded Óscar Martínez, editor-in-chief of news site El Faro, and four other journalists have left the country and are unable to return safely, as they face the prospect of arrest stemming from their reporting. At a time when many other reporters have fallen silent out of fear, Martínez's news site has investigated Bukele more rigorously than perhaps any other, exposing hidden corruption and human rights abuses under his crackdown on gangs. In May, El Faro published a three-part interview with a former gang leader who claimed he negotiated with Bukele's administration. Soon after, Martínez said the organization received news that authorities were preparing an arrest order for a half-dozen of their journalists. This has kept at least five El Faro journalists, including Martínez, stranded outside their country for over a month. On Saturday, when the reporters tried to return home on a flight, a diplomatic source and a government official informed them that police had been sent to the airport to wait for them and likely arrest them. The journalists later discovered that their names, along with other civil society leaders, appeared on a list of 'priority objectives" held by airport authorities. Martínez said Anaya's name was also on the list. Now in a nearby Central American nation, Martínez said he doesn't know when he will be able to board another flight home. And if he does, he doesn't know what will happen when he steps off. 'We fear that, if we return — because some of us surely will try — we'll be imprisoned,' he said. 'I am positive that if El Faro journalists are thrown in prison, we'll be tortured and, possibly, even killed." ____ Janetsky reported from Mexico City. ____ Follow AP's coverage of Latin America and the Caribbean at