- Malaysia and ASEAN Are Right to Engage Russia Deeply – Despite the War in Ukraine

Barnama

15-05-2025

15/05/2025 04:21 PM
Opinions on topical issues from thought leaders, columnists and editors.
By Phar Kim Beng
As the geopolitical tremors of the Ukraine war continue to reshape global alignments, it may appear counterintuitive that Malaysia and ASEAN are seeking to deepen engagement with Russia. After all, ASEAN as a regional organisation has collectively expressed concern over the violation of Ukraine's sovereignty, following the Russian invasion on February 24, 2022.
The Chairman's Statement of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in 2022 emphasised 'respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful resolution of disputes'.
But ASEAN's embrace of diplomacy – even toward contentious actors – is not naiveté. Rather, it is a principled realism shaped by decades of navigating major power rivalries. The path forward is not disengagement, but deeper engagement – one that encourages Russia to act not merely as a great power, but as a responsible power capable of contributing constructively to the peace and prosperity of East Asia.
ASEAN was never meant to be a military alliance or a tribunal for disciplining major powers. It is, instead, a convening platform designed to keep open channels of communication among actors with vastly different worldviews. Its architecture -anchored in ASEAN+1, ASEAN+3, the East Asia Summit (EAS), and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) – functions precisely because it welcomes all parties, including rivals and antagonists.
Engaging Russia within this framework is not a sign of approval of its actions in Ukraine, but a recognition that global peace requires the inclusion, not isolation, of great powers. The East Asia Summit scheduled for October 2025 in Kuala Lumpur is an opportunity for Russia to return to the table, to listen, to reflect, and to re-engage with Asian partners beyond the shadow of war.
Moreover, Malaysia and ASEAN share a long-term vision of a multipolar world order, one not defined solely by U.S.-China competition. The Indo-Pacific is not destined to be a bipolar arena. ASEAN's own Indo-Pacific Outlook promotes inclusivity, balance, and cooperation. Strategic diversity in this region – through the presence of India, Japan, South Korea, Australia and Russia – helps to prevent the domination of any single power, preserving ASEAN's autonomy and policy space.
This is why Russia's continued involvement is valuable. Not because ASEAN condones aggression, but because it recognises the dangers of exclusion, polarisation, and bloc politics. Malaysia, as a neutral, trade-dependent country with a tradition of non-alignment, sees engagement as the wiser path. The East Asia Summit is a test of whether Russia is willing to conduct itself in line with the norms and principles of regional stability.
Economic, Energy, and Defence Ties with Russia Are Still Relevant
Despite Western sanctions, Russia remains a major energy producer, a source of advanced defence technology, and a critical member of global food and fertilizer supply chains. For countries like Vietnam, Laos, and even Indonesia, Russian arms and military cooperation remain significant. Malaysia itself operates Russian-origin Su-30MKM fighter jets, which require sustained technical collaboration.
Cutting off ties would not only be impractical but potentially dangerous – forcing ASEAN states into greater dependency on a single supplier or bloc. Pragmatic cooperation, without legitimising aggression, is the wiser path.
Russia's Role in Eurasian Integration and the Arctic May Impact ASEAN
While distant in geography, Russia's activities in Central Asia, the Northern Sea Route (NSR), and Arctic energy development hold long-term implications for ASEAN's connectivity and climate resilience goals. China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) increasingly intersects with Russia's Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), shaping transcontinental trade routes that could complement ASEAN's interests.
ASEAN wants Russia to play a thoughtful role in this Eurasian architecture – one that enhances regional integration rather than reproduces Cold War-style blocs. Engagement allows ASEAN to influence, however subtly, the evolution of this role.
Russia at the East Asia Summit 2025: A Test of Maturity
The East Asia Summit (EAS) in Kuala Lumpur this October will serve as a litmus test for Russia. Will it continue to define itself primarily through antagonism and historical grievances? Or will it embrace the spirit of the EAS – openness, cooperation, and strategic restraint?
ASEAN is extending the invitation not as a reward, but as a challenge. It hopes Russia will rise to the occasion, to prove it can be more than a revisionist power – perhaps even a civilisational interlocutor.
Malaysia, as host, is uniquely positioned to deliver this message with moral clarity. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's long-standing emphasis on justice, dialogue among civilisations, and inclusive governance offers a template for what a better Russia can look like – if it chooses to be one.
Conclusion: From Power to Purpose
ASEAN's engagement with Russia does not condone war; it calls for wisdom. It does not validate violence; it invites transformation. At a time when Russia is increasingly portrayed in zero-sum terms, ASEAN offers a third way: principled pragmatism anchored in peace.
Malaysia and ASEAN are not naïve. They understand power. But they also understand purpose. The East Asia Summit in October 2025 is a chance for Russia to demonstrate that it, too, can understand both. And perhaps, act accordingly.
-- BERNAMA
Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of ASEAN Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia.
(The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official policy or position of BERNAMA)