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Indianapolis issues hundreds of no-turn-on-red tickets a year. Here are 5 hotspots

Indianapolis issues hundreds of no-turn-on-red tickets a year. Here are 5 hotspots

In August 2023, signs banning right turns on red went up at nearly 100 intersections in Mile Square as part of the city's effort to make streets safer for bicyclists and pedestrians.
Some Republican state lawmakers pushed back on the restrictions as a "war on cars," introducing legislation that would have removed the no-turn-on-red signs. But the signs were allowed to remain after city officials agreed to stop putting up new ones downtown until July 1, 2025. The Department of Public Works has no immediate plans to install new ones and will conduct a study of their effectiveness before doing so, a spokesperson said.
Since the wave of new signs, the Indianapolis Metropolitan Police Department has written 94 total tickets in Mile Square as of May 1, 37 of which were tied to the South Meridian Street and West Washington Street intersection, according to data obtained by IndyStar. Across the city, drivers received 411 tickets for no-turn-on-red violations in that same timespan.
Police issued about 20 such citations a month. While nearly a quarter occurred in Mile Square — the downtown area bound by North Street, East Street, West Street, and South Street — there were multiple hotspots far beyond the city's urban core.
IMPD's traffic unit tends to write tickets in daily and weekly blitzes near troublesome intersections, the data shows.
The intersection of East Washington Street and Pine Street near downtown saw the most citations, with 96 drivers ticketed at the site. IMPD reported 49 tickets on nine non-consecutive days of August and September 2023. Then enforcement largely cooled off until February 2024, when officers logged 20 tickets on six days.
When officers in the traffic unit are on patrol, they don't focus solely on enforcing no-turn-on-red violations, IMPD Sgt. Amanda Hibschman told IndyStar. Traffic officers also watch for drivers who are speeding, running red lights or breaking other rules of the road.
"We tend to focus on higher-traffic areas, busier intersections, school zones and locations where we receive the highest number of traffic complaints," Hibschman said.
One of the main advocates for no-turn-on-red restrictions in Mile Square, the public health nonprofit Health by Design argued that crash data shows how drivers' failure to yield and turning movements are among the top contributors to pedestrian injuries and deaths citywide. In 2024, 41 pedestrians and cyclists died in vehicle crashes while 832, a record high, were involved in non-fatal incidents, according to Safe Streets Indy, a group that tracks collision reports.
Health by Design CEO Marc McAleavey said that while 411 tickets citywide and 96 in Mile Square may seem low compared with the actual number of violations, he understands that IMPD lacks the officers to do more robust enforcement. And enforcement alone can't be expected to make drivers comply with no-turn-on-red rules, he said — that will take smarter road designs with enhanced visibility for pedestrians, along with a cultural shift toward safer walking and bicycling.
"The core of the issue is that our downtown streets should be designed for people first — not just as a pass-through for cars," McAleavey said in an emailed statement.
From Aug. 1, 2023, to May 1, 2025, here are the five Indianapolis intersections where drivers received the most tickets for illegally turning right on red, according to IMPD data:
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Trump's aggressive push to take over DC policing may be a template for an approach in other cities
Trump's aggressive push to take over DC policing may be a template for an approach in other cities

San Francisco Chronicle​

timean hour ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Trump's aggressive push to take over DC policing may be a template for an approach in other cities

WASHINGTON (AP) — The left sees President Donald Trump's attempted takeover of Washington law enforcement as part of a multifront march to autocracy — 'vindictive authoritarian rule,' as one activist put it — and as an extraordinary thing to do in rather ordinary times on the streets of the capital. To the right, it's a bold move to fracture the crust of Democratic urban bureaucracy and make D.C. a better place to live. Where that debate settles — if it ever does — may determine whether Washington, a symbol for America in all its granite glory, history, achievement, inequality and dysfunction, becomes a model under the imprint of Trump for how cities are policed, cleaned up and run, or ruined. Under the name of his Making D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, Trump put some 800 National Guard troops on Washington streets this past week, declaring at the outset, 'Our capital city has been overtaken by violent gangs and bloodthirsty criminals.' Grunge was also on his mind. 'If our capital is dirty, our whole country is dirty, and they don't respect us.' He then upped the stakes by declaring federal control of the district's police department and naming an emergency chief. That set off alarms and prompted local officials to sue to stop the effort. 'I have never seen a single government action that would cause a greater threat to law and order than this dangerous directive,' Police Chief Pamela Smith said. On Friday, the Trump administration partially retreated from its effort to seize control of the Metropolitan Police Department when a judge, skeptical that the president had the authority to do what he tried to do, urged both sides to reach a compromise, which they did — at least for now. Trump's Justice Department agreed to leave Smith in control, while still intending to instruct her department on law enforcement practices. In a new memo, Attorney General Pam Bondi directed the force to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement regardless of any city law. In this heavily Democratic city, local officials and many citizens did not like the National Guard deployment. At the same time, they acknowledged the Republican president had the right to order it because of the federal government's unique powers in the district. But Trump's attempt to seize formal control of the police department, for the first time since D.C. gained a partial measure of autonomy in the Home Rule Act of 1973, was their red line. When the feds stepped in For sure, there have been times when the U.S. military has been deployed to American streets, but almost always in the face of a riot or a calamitous event like the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Trump's use of force was born of an emergency that he saw and city officials — and many others — did not. A stranger to nuance, Trump has used the language of emergency to justify much of what he's done: his deportations of foreigners, his tariffs, his short-term deployment of National Guard troops to Los Angeles, and now his aggressive intervention into Washington policing. Washington does have crime and endemic homelessness, like every city in the country. But there was nothing like an urban fire that the masses thought needed to be quelled. Violent crime is down, as it is in many U.S. cities. Washington is also a city about which most Americans feel ownership — or at least that they have a stake. More than 25 million of them visited in 2024, a record year, plus over 2 million people from abroad. It's where middle schoolers on field trips get to see what they learn about in class — and perhaps to dance to pop tunes with the man with the music player so often in front of the White House. Washington is part federal theme park, with its historic buildings and museums, and part downtown, where restaurants and lobbyists outnumber any corporate presence. Neighborhoods range from the places where Jeff Bezos set a record for a home purchase price to destitute streets in economically depressed areas that are also magnets for drugs and crime. In 1968, the capital was a city on fire with riots. Twenty years later, a murder spree and crack epidemic fed the sense of a place out of control. But over the last 30 years, the city's population and its collective wealth have swelled. A cooked-up emergency? Against that backdrop, Philadelphia's top prosecutor, District Attorney Larry Krasner, a Democrat, assailed Trump's moves in Washington. 'You're talking about an emergency, really?' Krasner said, as if speaking with the president. 'Or is it that you're talking about an emergency because you want to pretend everything is an emergency so that you can roll tanks?" In Washington, a coalition of activists called Not Above the Law denounced what they saw as just the latest step by Trump to seize levers of power he has no business grasping. 'The onslaught of lawlessness and autocratic activities has escalated,' said Lisa Gilbert, co-chair of the group and co-president of Public Citizen. 'The last two weeks should have crystallized for all Americans that Donald Trump will not stop until democracy is replaced by vindictive authoritarian rule.' Fifty miles northeast, in the nearest major city, Baltimore's Democratic mayor criticized what he saw as Trump's effort to distract the public from economic pain and 'America's falling standing in the world.' 'Every mayor and police chief in America works with our local federal agents to do great work — to go after gun traffickers, to go after violent organizations,' Brandon Scott said. 'How is taking them off of that job, sending them out to just patrol the street, making our country safer?' But the leader of the D.C. Police Union, Gregg Pemberton, endorsed Trump's intervention — while saying it should not become permanent. 'We stand with the president in recognizing that Washington, D.C., cannot continue on this trajectory,' Pemberton said. From his vantage point, 'Crime is out of control, and our officers are stretched beyond their limits.' The Home Rule Act lets a president invoke certain emergency powers over the police department for 30 days, after which Congress must decide whether to extend the period. Trump's attempt to use that provision stirred interest among some Republicans in Congress in giving him an even freer hand. Among them, Rep. Andy Ogles of Tennessee drafted a resolution that would eliminate the time limit on federal control. This, he told Fox News Digital, would 'give the president all the time and authority he needs to crush lawlessness, restore order, and reclaim our capital once and for all.' Which raises a question that Trump has robustly hinted at and others are wondering, too: If there is success in the district — at least, success in the president's eyes — what might that mean for other American cities he thinks need to be fixed? Where does — where could — the federal government go next?

Trump administration partially retreats from a takeover of Washington's police. Here's what to know.
Trump administration partially retreats from a takeover of Washington's police. Here's what to know.

Chicago Tribune

time4 hours ago

  • Chicago Tribune

Trump administration partially retreats from a takeover of Washington's police. Here's what to know.

Federal troops are patrolling the National Mall and neighborhoods across Washington while President Donald Trump's administration exerts extraordinary power over law enforcement in the nation's capital. But the administration backed down from an attempt to take over the city's police department by installing its own emergency police commissioner after a federal judge indicated she would rule against it. The partial retreat interrupted one aspect of the most sweeping uses of federal authority over a local government in modern times. How it will play out and whether the federal government will use this experience as a potential blueprint for dealing with other cities remains up in the air. Here's what to know about the situation and what might come next: The Republican president this week announced he's taking control over Washington's police department and activating National Guard troops to reduce crime, an escalation of his aggressive approach to law enforcement. But District of Columbia officials say the action isn't needed, pointing out that violent crime in the district reached historic 30-year lows last year and is down significantly again this year. D.C.'s status as a congressionally established federal district gives Trump a window to assert more control over the district than other cities. D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser didn't offer much resistance at first, allowing city workers to clear homeless encampments and work closely with federal immigration agents. But on Friday, the heavily Democratic district asked for an emergency court order blocking Trump officials from putting a federal official in charge of D.C. police. The Trump administration on Friday agreed to leave the Washington, D.C., police chief in control of the department. That came one day after Attorney General Pam Bondi said the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration would take over the police chief's duties, including authority over orders issued to officers. The two sides sparred in court for hours before U.S. District Judge Ana Reyes after the city sued to stop the order. The judge indicated the law likely doesn't grant the Trump administration power to fully take over city police, but it probably does give the president more power than the city might like. She pushed the two sides to compromise, promising to issue a court order temporarily blocking the administration from naming a new chief if they couldn't agree. But while Attorney General Pam Bondi agreed to leave the police chief in charge, she directed the District's police to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement regardless of any city law. The showdown in Washington is the latest attempt by Trump to test the boundaries of his legal authority to carry out his tough-on-crime agenda, relying on obscure statutes and a supposed state of emergency to speed up the mass deportation of people in the United States illegally. About 800 National Guard troops are being activated, with Humvees parked along the Washington Monument and near Union Station. Troops have been spotted standing outside baseball's Nationals Park and neighborhood restaurants. The White House says guard members aren't making arrests but are protecting law enforcement officers who are making arrests and helping deter violent crime. Trump says one of the objectives will be moving homeless people far from the city. Trump has the authority to do this for 30 days and says he might look into extending it. But that would require congressional approval. Whether Republicans in Congress would go along with that is unclear. Some D.C. residents have protested against the increased police presence. For some, the action echoes uncomfortable historical chapters when politicians used language to paint predominantly Black cities with racist narratives to shape public opinion and justify police action. Washington is very different from any other American city, and the rules that govern it give the federal government much more control than it would have anywhere else. Whether Trump is using this as a blueprint for how to approach cities — largely Democratic cities — that he wants to exert more control over remains to be seen.

'Devil in the Ozarks' planned prison escape for months, cited lax security in kitchen, report says
'Devil in the Ozarks' planned prison escape for months, cited lax security in kitchen, report says

San Francisco Chronicle​

time5 hours ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

'Devil in the Ozarks' planned prison escape for months, cited lax security in kitchen, report says

LITTLE ROCK, Ark. (AP) — A former police chief known as the 'Devil in the Ozarks' spent months planning his escape from an Arkansas prison, and said lax security in the kitchen where he worked allowed the convicted murderer to gather the supplies he needed, an internal review by prison officials released Friday said. The Department of Corrections' critical incident review of Grant Hardin's May 25 escape from the Calico Rock prison provides the most detailed description so far of his planning and the issues that allowed him to walk out of the facility. Hardin was captured 1.5 miles (2.4 kilometers) northwest of the Calico Rock prison on June 6. Authorities said he escaped by donning an outfit he designed to look like a law enforcement uniform. Hardin, who worked in the prison's kitchen, said he spent six months planning his escape and used black Sharpie markers and laundry he found lying around the kitchen to create the fake uniform, according to the report. Hardin fashioned a fake badge using the lid of a can. 'Hardin stated he would hide the clothes and other items he was going to need in the bottom of a trash can in the kitchen due to no one ever shaking it down,' the report says. Two prison employees have been fired for procedure violations that led to Hardin's escape. They include a kitchen employee who allowed Hardin on a back dock unsupervised and a tower guard who unlocked the back gate that Hardin walked through without confirming his identity. Several other employees have been suspended and one demoted, lawmakers were told this week. The kitchen's staff was 'very lax on security,' Hardin told investigators, allowing him to gather what he needed for his escape. Hardin said he didn't have any help from staff or other inmates. Hardin had constructed a ladder from wooden pallets in case he needed to scale the prison fence but didn't need it. '(Hardin) stated when he walked up to the gate, he just directed the officer to 'open the gate,' and he did,' the report says. After he escaped from the prison, Hardin survived on food he had smuggled out of the prison along with distilled water from his CPAP machine. Hardin also drank creek water and ate berries, bird eggs and ants. 'He said his plan was to hide in the woods for six months if need be and begin moving west out of the area,' the report says. Hardin, a former police chief in the small town of Gateway, near the Arkansas-Missouri border, is serving lengthy sentences for murder and rape. He was the subject of the TV documentary 'Devil in the Ozarks.' The report is one of two reviews into Hardin's escape, which is also being investigated by the Arkansas State Police. A legislative subcommittee has also been holding hearings about the escape. Republican Rep. Howard Beaty, who co-chairs the Legislative Council's Charitable, Penal and Correctional Institutions Subcommittee, said the panel hoped to discuss both reports with officials at a hearing next month. Republican Sen. Ben Gilmore, who sits on the panel, said he didn't think the department's review took a thorough enough look at the systemic issues that enabled Hardin's escape. 'They have focused on the final failure instead of all of the things that led up to it,' he said. The report also cites confusion among corrections officials in the early stages of Hardin's escape about which law enforcement agencies had been notified, the report says. 'It is obvious there was a lot of confusion during the beginning stages of opening the command center and of notifications being made,' the report says. Hardin had been misclassified and shouldn't have been held at the primarily medium-security prison, according to the review. After he was captured, Hardin was moved to a maximum-security prison. He has pleaded not guilty to escape charges, and his trial is set for November. Hardin's custody classification hadn't been reviewed since October 2019, the report says. The Department of Corrections' review says officials had taken several steps since Hardin's escape, including removing the electric locks from the gates to prevent someone from walking out without an officer present. The report also calls for additional cameras after finding a blind spot on the dock Hardin used, and for any 'shakedown' searches for contraband to include mechanical rooms and side rooms.

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