
Israel risks rewarding Hamas's kidnapping
From the earliest wars, prisoner exchanges followed the conventions of armed conflict. After 1948 and again in 1967, soldiers were exchanged for soldiers in relatively balanced numbers. But over time, the symmetry vanished. In 1983, Israel released some 4,700 Palestinian and Lebanese prisoners for just six Israeli soldiers. The Jibril Agreement of 1985 deepened the trend: 1,150 prisoners, including many convicted of bloody attacks, were freed in exchange for three Israelis. Each successive deal confirmed to armed groups that hostages could yield not parity but jackpots.
By the time of Gilad Shalit's release in 2011, the ratio had become grotesque: 1,027 Palestinian prisoners for one Israeli soldier. For Hamas, the lesson was unmistakeable: kidnapping was more valuable than missiles, more effective than rockets, more devastating to Israel's strategic posture than any other weapon in its arsenal.
That lesson holds today. The current ceasefire proposal, dressed up in humanitarian language, risks institutionalising hostage-taking as the ultimate deterrent against Israel. If the Israeli military withdraws to the Gaza perimeter – as proposed – and allows a massive influx of aid that Hamas will seize and weaponise, then infiltration attempts and kidnappings will increase. In fact, it has already started. Today, in Khan Yunis, 15 terrorists stormed an outpost of the Israeli army's Kfir Brigade with gunfire and anti-tank missiles, even managing to breach the fortified position. Three soldiers were wounded, one of them severely. The attackers were eliminated by ground troops and IAF strikes, but the incident is a chilling preview of what will follow should Hamas be given breathing space to regroup. If they can kidnap soldiers right now, Hamas' hand will be immeasurably strengthened if Israel retreats.
As I have written many times over the years, if a single captive can yield the release of thousands, then why should Hamas or other Islamic state and non-state actors not pursue this tactic relentlessly? The price of capitulation is not an end to the ongoing hostage tragedy, but its perpetuation long into the future. Accepting the ceasefire under these conditions simply affirms the enemy's tried and tested techniques which they have honed to perfection over decades. They use brutality to seize hostages, then torture and starve them, drawing an inevitably severe military response, which in turn is followed by the predictable international outrage as they drip feed the media curated images of suffering. Add to this the unavoidable internal Israeli chaos which comes as emotions are inflamed and passions are ignited. Thousands of powerless civilians pour onto the streets to protest, effectively lending their manpower to Hamas despite their utter hatred of the terrorists. In turn this bolsters the media and international pressure on Israel, and soon enough the entire nation itself is held hostage. Live to fight another day and simply repeat as needed. Why would Hamas change a winning formula?
The ethical cost of making a deal now is grave. To send soldiers to conquer ground at enormous sacrifice, once, twice, three and even four times, only to abandon it under international pressure, is to treat fighters as expendable. But just as Israel treats every hostage life as irreplaceable, it has an unusually reverent attitude to every soldiers of its citizens army, too. And Israel's army and society are exhausted after nearly two years of war. There comes a point where the reservoir of manpower is too depleted to sustain another round.
Iran's leaders are surely watching. Why spend billions on rebuilding clandestine centrifuges when the abduction of a handful of Israelis could provide a shield stronger than concrete and steel? A regime that learns this lesson will act on it, and Israel will face not only Hamas's blackmail but also the Islamic republic of Iran's.
The tragedy of hostage warfare is that it pierces Israel's moral core: the sacred duty to bring its people home. Yet that duty cannot be honoured by surrendering to a logic that only guarantees more captives, deaths and wars. Hamas has learnt this lesson well. Its Pavlovian reflex to every hostage crisis is to kidnap again, knowing that the more it takes, the more it will be rewarded by the world and even by Israel itself. Israel, by contrast, has not broken that cycle. The lives of today's hostages are indeed immeasurably precious, but who can say they are worth more than the lives of those who will be seized tomorrow if this sick transactional relationship continues? It can only end by defeating those who have turned human beings into bargaining chips. Anything less may feel compassionate, but end up a perilous and risky act of capitulation.

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The Independent
15 minutes ago
- The Independent
Netanyahu is now gambling with more than just hostages' lives
If the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, possessed anything like the qualities of statesmanship demanded at a moment such as this, he would by now have seized the offer of peace deal from Hamas, agreed a ceasefire, begun the long and difficult process of winding down the pitiless war in Gaza and, of enormous immediate benefit, secured the return of about half the remaining 20 hostages thought to still be alive, as well as the bodies of others. The worst sufferings of the families affected would be that much closer to a conclusion – and the much wider pain and hardship, including hunger, being endured by innocent Palestinian civilians would also be relieved. The ceasefire deal is by no means a perfect offer, and – it bears repeating – there was never any reason for the Hamas terrorists to take any hostages or commit any of the atrocities that occurred on 7 October 2023. According to Qatari sources who've been involved in brokering the talks, the deal suggested by Hamas and now put forward to the Israeli government is 'almost identical' to an American proposal that the Israelis had previously accepted. And yet Mr Netanyahu seems intent on finding excuses and distractions to avoid making peace. He has not yet explicitly rejected the deal – but asked by Australian television if Israel planned to take over all of Gaza and eliminate Hamas even if the group agreed to a truce and hostage deal, he was clear: 'We're going to do that anyway. That there was never a question that we're not going to leave Hamas there.' Simultaneously, he now wants to restart negotiations with Hamas aimed at returning all of Israel's remaining hostages – but is clear he wants to end the war on Israel's terms. The prime minister's spokesperson says, despite precedents, that the Israeli government is not interested in "partial deals". It wants all the hostages back, and is prepared to pursue the military option, despite past failures and with no guarantee that the hostages will come out of renewed fighting alive. No one should be surprised that, unlike some of his more far-sighted predecessors, Mr Netanyahu isn't prepared to take a risk for peace, but rather views with equanimity the prospect of none of the hostages making it out alive after almost two years of ruthless warfare. He is prepared to gamble with their lives. As if to make sure that there's no prospect of even this minimal peace agreement becoming reality, Mr Netanyahu has ordered yet another military offensive, in the already devastated Gaza City, and has called up 60,000 new reservists and extended the tour of duty of 20,000 others to undertake the currently expanded operation. No less grievously, the government, driven by its most extreme elements, is determined to expel more Palestinians from the homes and lands on the occupied West Bank. One aim is to annex territory to the state of Israel and isolate Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank, part of a wider scheme to render the creation of a viable independent sovereign Palestinian state impossible. It is a scheme that has been long in the offing, but until now has not been pursued with the explicit backing of the state. Now, Israel is going beyond its shameful actions in the illegal settlements and is turning this lawlessness into official policy. The Palestinian Authority pleads that it will destroy the possibility of a two-state solution. That outcome, of course, is entirely to the liking of Mr Netanyahu and his allies. Like the continuation of the war in the face of any and every offer of peace, it is a cynical exercise in continuing Mr Netanyahu's time in office, staving off the days when he will have to face the Israeli electorate and resume his trial on corruption charges. More than ever, indeed, Mr Netanyahu is emboldened to pursue his personal interests before peace. International pressure isn't working. He is already indicted at the International Court for crimes against humanity, and countries previously friendly to Israel and who defend its right to exist and defend itself are ostracised by the way its leaders have conducted the war in Gaza. Hence the momentum that has built in Britain, France, Australia and elsewhere to formally recognise the state of Palestine. Its Arab neighbours cannot make peace with a nation that behaves in the way Israel has. The fact is that, despite the destruction, probably temporary, of Iran's nuclear programme, and the rout of Hamas, Israel is now realistically less secure than before this disproportionate war was launched and Mr Netanyahu decided to lash out – much as Hamas desired. The UN is treated with contempt, its aid agencies driven out of Gaza, and substituted with a US-Israel-backed body whose guards allegedly use children for target practice. Depressingly, there is only one power in the world that can restrain Israel and steer it back to obeying international law, honouring humanitarian norms, and securing its long-term stability – and that is, of course, the United States. To the extent that what Israel has done has happened as a result of the consent of Joe Biden and then, even more enthusiastically granting a free hand, Donald Trump, the disaster engulfing the entire region is almost as much the fault of America as Israel. None of that, though, and no military action or drive for illegal settlements on Palestinian territory can dispel the central abiding truth: there can be no peace without a two-state solution.


Reuters
26 minutes ago
- Reuters
Lebanon says it is beginning disarmament of Palestinian factions in refugee camps
BEIRUT, Aug 21 (Reuters) - Lebanon said on Thursday it was launching the planned disarmament of Palestinian factions in refugee camps, part of a wider effort to establish a state monopoly on arms. The planned disarmament was starting with the handover of weapons on Thursday from the Burj al-Barajneh camp in Beirut to the Lebanese army, the Lebanese prime minister's office said. The move is meant to mark the start of a broader disarmament effort, with additional deliveries expected in the coming weeks from Burj al-Barajneh and other camps across the country, the office said in a statement. An official from Fatah told Reuters that the only weapons being handed over so far were illegal arms that entered the camp 24 hours ago. TV footage showed army vehicles entering the camp ahead of a handover. Reuters could not independently verify what arms were being handed over. As part of a truce with Israel struck in November and backed by the United States, Lebanon committed to restricting arms to six specific state security forces, in a challenge to Iran-backed Shi'ite Muslim group Hezbollah. The cabinet has tasked the army with drawing up a plan to establish a state monopoly on arms by the end of the year. The initiative to disarm Palestinian factions is part of an agreement reached during a May 21 summit between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, which affirmed Lebanon's sovereignty and the principle that only the state should bear arms, the statement from the prime minister's office said. Two days later, Lebanese and Palestinian officials agreed on a timeline and mechanism for disarmament, the statement said. Palestinian factions have long operated with relative autonomy in several of Lebanon's 12 refugee camps, which fall largely outside the jurisdiction of the Lebanese state. The latest handover represents the most serious bid in years to address weapons held inside the camps.


North Wales Chronicle
an hour ago
- North Wales Chronicle
Netanyahu says he will give approval for Gaza City takeover despite protests
The wide-scale operation in Gaza City could start within days after the Israeli Prime Minister grants final approval at a meeting with senior security officials. Hamas said earlier this week that it had agreed to a ceasefire proposal from Arab mediators which, if accepted by Israel, could forestall the offensive. The widening of the 22-month military offensive against Hamas appears to be proceeding despite protests in Israel and the Palestinian enclave. The Israeli military has been calling medical officials and international organisations in the northern Gaza Strip to encourage them to evacuate to the south ahead of the expanded operation. The military plans to call up 60,000 reservists and extend the service of 20,000 more. Israeli strikes killed at least 36 Palestinians across Gaza on Thursday, according to local hospitals. A renewed offensive could bring even more casualties and displacement to the territory, where the war has already killed tens of thousands and where experts have warned of imminent famine. Many Israelis fear it could also doom the remaining 20 or so living hostages taken by Hamas-led militants in the October 7 2023 attack that ignited the war. Israeli troops have already begun limited operations in Gaza City's Zeitoun neighbourhood and the built-up Jabaliya refugee camp, where they have carried out several previous major operations over the course of the war, only to see militants later regroup. The military says it plans to operate in areas where ground troops have not yet entered and where it says Hamas still has military and governing capabilities. There has been little sign of Palestinians fleeing en masse, as they did when Israel carried out an earlier offensive in Gaza City in the opening weeks of the war. The military says it controls around 75% of Gaza and residents say nowhere in the territory feels safe. Hundreds gathered in Gaza City on Thursday for a rare protest against the war and Israel's plans to support the mass relocation of Palestinians to other countries. Unlike in previous protests, there were no expressions of opposition to Hamas. In Israel, families of some of the 50 hostages still being held in Gaza gathered in Tel Aviv to condemn the expanded operation. Israel believes around 20 hostages are still alive. 'Forty-two hostages were kidnapped alive and murdered in captivity due to military pressure and delay in signing a deal,' said Dalia Cusnir, whose brother-in-law Eitan Horn is still being held captive. Mr Horn's brother Iair was released during a ceasefire earlier this year. 'Enough to sacrifice the hostages. Enough to sacrifice the soldiers, both regular and reservists. Enough to sacrifice the evacuees. Enough to sacrifice the younger generation in the country,' said Bar Goddard, daughter of Meni Goddard, whose body is being held by Hamas. Additional protests are planned for Thursday night in Tel Aviv. Plans for widening the offensive have sparked international outrage, with many of Israel's closest western allies — but not the US — calling on it to end the war. 'I must reiterate that it is vital to reach immediately a ceasefire in Gaza, and the unconditional release of all hostages to avoid the massive death and destruction that a military operation against Gaza City would inevitably cause,' United Nations chief Antonio Guterres said. At least 36 Palestinians were killed by Israeli fire across the Gaza Strip on Thursday, including 14 who were seeking humanitarian aid, according to local hospitals. The Israeli military said it killed several armed militants in the Morag Corridor, a military zone where people seeking aid have repeatedly come under fire in recent weeks, according to witnesses and health officials. Nasser Hospital in southern Gaza had earlier reported that six people were killed in that area while seeking aid on Thursday. It was not possible to reconcile the two accounts. The Media Freedom Coalition, which promotes press freedoms worldwide, called for Israel to allow independent, foreign news organisations access to Gaza. Aside from rare guided tours, Israel has barred international media from the war which has killed at least 184 Palestinian journalists and media workers. 'Journalists and media workers play an essential role in putting the spotlight on the devastating reality of war,' said a statement signed by 27 of the coalition's member countries. Witnesses, health officials and the UN human rights office say Israeli forces have killed hundreds of people since May as they headed towards sites run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), an Israeli-backed American contractor, and in the chaos surrounding UN aid convoys, which are frequently attacked by looters and overrun by crowds. The Israeli military says it has only fired warning shots at people who approach its forces. The GHF says there has been almost no violence at the sites, and that its armed contractors have only used pepper spray and fired into the air on some occasions to prevent deadly crowding. Israeli air strikes also destroyed a tent camp in Deir al-Balah, the only city in Gaza that has been relatively unscathed in the war and where many have sought refuge. Residents said the military warned them to flee shortly before the strikes set the camp ablaze, and there were no reports of casualties. Families, many with children, could later be seen sifting through the ashes for the belongings they had managed to take with them during earlier evacuations. Mohammad Kahlout, who had been displaced from northern Gaza, said they were given just five minutes to gather what they could and evacuate. 'We are civilians, not terrorists. What did we do, and what did our children do, to be displaced again?'