Somalia's camel milk revolution is improving nutrition and creating jobs
On a breezy Wednesday morning in mid-June, The Associated Press visited Beder Camel Farm — one of a new generation of camel dairies springing up around Mogadishu.
Dozens of camels sauntered around sandy paddocks while others nibbled on fresh fodder under the watchful eyes of herders. In a nearby shed, workers carefully milked the animals and collected the frothy yield in sanitized containers.
Demand for camel milk is growing, buoyed by a wave of local entrepreneurs who see untapped potential in a traditional resource.
Modernizing camel milk production
Somalia is home to over 7 million camels — more than any other country on Earth — but only a fraction of that milk has ever reached urban grocery shelves, according to industry estimates.
At the heart of the shift toward a modern approach to camel milk production is Dr. Abdirisak Mire Hashi, a veterinarian and the farm's manager. For Hashi, it's not only about profit — it's about preserving heritage while embracing progress.
'Somalis take pride in their heritage of raising camels. However, the way camels are raised has changed significantly over time,' Hashi told The Associated Press as he inspected a milking herd.
Each camel at Beder now produces up to 10 liters (2.6 gallons) of milk daily — double what traditional herders typically yield. The increase is attributed to new investments in veterinary care, better feed, and modern milking practices. The camels are routinely checked by vets, given nutritional supplements, and grazed on scientifically blended fodder, a far cry from the roaming nomadic herds of decades gone by.
'We were among the first to establish this kind of farm back in 2006, when very few people even knew about commercial camel milk production,' said Jama Omar, CEO of Beder Camel Farm. 'Other farms have entered the market since then, but we currently hold around 40% of the market share.'
'We employ nearly 200 full-time staff,' he added. 'In addition, we bring in seasonal workers during key periods such as planting and harvest.'
Pioneering camel milk yogurt
The farm's biggest leap may be its yogurt factory — the first in Somalia dedicated to processing camel milk into yogurt.
Inside the factory, workers in white coats oversee stainless steel vats as fresh milk is cultured and packed. The final product is sold under the Beder brand which now retails in urban supermarkets across Mogadishu.
Nelson Njoki Githu, a Kenyan-born food engineer overseeing the production line, says camel milk yogurt isn't just a novelty — it fills an important nutritional gap for local consumers.
'The number one benefit compared to cow milk is that camel milk has lower levels of lactose,' Githu explained. 'People with lactose intolerance can consume this milk without any issue. Again, the vitamin levels are higher, especially vitamin C, iron and zinc, compared to cow milk.'
For nutritionist Dr. Yahye Sholle, camel milk yogurt is a public health boost in a country where malnutrition remains a challenge.
'It is rich in magnesium and calcium, which support bone health. Additionally, it contains vitamins B12, C, and D. It also includes friendly bacteria known as probiotics, which are beneficial for gut health,' he said.
Such benefits have helped Beder's yogurt stand out in Mogadishu's increasingly competitive dairy market.
Hashi said the next step is scaling up the business. He hopes to expand Beder's network of collection points beyond Mogadishu and plans to train pastoralists in remote areas on modern milking and hygiene practices so that more milk can be safely processed and sold.
'If we can modernize how we raise camels and handle the milk, we can create jobs, improve nutrition, and build pride in our own local products,' Hashi said.
Somali government encourages more investment
The Somali government is encouraging more investment in the industry.
'The benefits of camel milk are countless,' said Dr. Kasim Abdi Moalim, Director of Animal Health at Somalia's Ministry of Livestock. 'In countries like the UAE, camel milk is also used for cosmetics. Somalia must catch up and develop the full value chain.'
He said that government support is growing, with the establishment of a Dairy Act and a strategy for livestock sector development. 'A master investment plan is also in progress,' he added.
Back at the paddock, a line of camels stretches into the golden afternoon light, their steady, patient footsteps a reminder that progress in Somalia often moves at the pace of tradition — slow but unstoppable.
From ancient caravans that crossed deserts to supermarket shelves stocked with yogurt, the Somali camel's journey continues, one cup at a time.
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For more on Africa and development: https://apnews.com/hub/africa-pulse
The Associated Press receives financial support for global health and development coverage in Africa from the Gates Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.
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Fast Company
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This mine feeds the tech world and fuels a rebel war
Under the watchful eye of M23 rebels in the hills around the Congolese town of Rubaya, a line of men in rubber boots ferry sacks full of crushed rocks up winding paths cut into the slopes. The laborers are hauling coltan ore, a mineral that powers the modern world. The ore will be loaded onto motorbikes and eventually shipped thousands of kilometers away to Asia. There it's processed into tantalum, a heat-resistant metal that fetches more than $300 a kilogram and is in high demand by makers of mobile phones, computers, aerospace components and gas turbines. Rubaya produces around 15% of the world's coltan, all dug manually by impoverished locals who earn a few dollars per day. Control of this mine is the biggest prize in a long-running conflict in this central African nation. The area was seized in April 2024 by M23, a rebel group the United Nations says has plundered Rubaya's riches to help fund its insurgency, backed by the government of neighboring Rwanda. The heavily-armed rebels, whose stated aim is to overthrow the government in Kinshasa and ensure the safety of the Congolese Tutsi minority, captured even more mineral-rich territory in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) this year. The region and its mineral wealth are in the spotlight as M23 and the DRC have pledged to sign a peace deal at a ceremony in Qatar's capital, Doha, this month. The United States is mediating parallel talks between Congo and Rwanda, dangling potentially billions of dollars in investment if hostilities cease. The United States Treasury on Tuesday sanctioned other alleged participants in minerals smuggling in Congo, including PARECO-FF, a pro-government Congolese militia that the U.S. said controlled the Rubaya mining site from 2022 to early 2024, prior to M23's takeover. PARECO-FF could not be reached for comment. 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Rwanda's government has long denied that it traffics in coltan looted from its neighbor or that it backs M23. But Rwanda's ruling party, mainly headed by Tutsis, shares the same concerns as the Tutsi-dominated M23 insurgents over the purported threat posed by rival Hutu groups operating in eastern Congo. A July 3 U.N. report, reviewed by Reuters, says that as of April, Rwanda had placed at least 1,000 to 1,500 troops in Congo's rebel-controlled areas. M23 now controls two key Congolese cities – Goma and Bukavu – on the border with Rwanda. U.N. investigators say that it is through these cities that Congolese minerals are illegally trucked to Rwanda, often at night, where the ore is mixed with Rwandan coltan production in a bid to disguise its provenance before export. M23 and the Rwandan and Congolese governments did not respond to requests for comment. Congolese officials have repeatedly accused Rwanda of fomenting the conflict to plunder Congo's mineral wealth. According to a December U.N. report, the scale of the trade reached new heights after the capture of Rubaya by M23. The rebels went on to establish a parallel administration controlling mining activities, trade, transport and the taxation of the minerals produced there, the U.N. reported. Reuters reporters visited Rubaya in March this year and were told by M23 officials that the rebels had imposed a tax on mineral traders of 15% on the value of coltan they purchase from the informal miners who work the area. M23 was taking in $800,000 monthly from levies collected from coltan mining in eastern Congo, according to the December U.N. report. Mud and motorbikes Simply reaching Rubaya's sprawling, beehive-like maze of pits is a major undertaking. Reuters journalists who visited the mining sites in March had to abandon their four-wheel-drive Land Cruisers after the vehicles became stuck on the muddy road from Goma. They walked 5 kilometers (3 miles) to reach the town and then hopped on the back of motorcycles with rebel officials to reach the pits. Activity in Rubaya begins before dawn, when thousands of miners descend on the pits cut into the rolling hills of Congo's North Kivu province, where many toil in 12-hour shifts. The tunnels can be as deep as 15 meters (49 feet) underground. Once fragments of ore are dislodged, porters carry sacks of the rubble to the surface where laborers have dug shallow basins that are filled with water. There, other workers, including women and children, wash the ore and separate it from sand and other debris before laying it into the sun to dry. The journalists were supervised by unarmed M23 personnel throughout their visit to the mining area. A reporter saw a rebel official jotting down in a notebook how many sacks each porter – covered in a fine white dust – carted to each collection point. 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In the early months following M23's takeover of Rubaya in April 2024, smugglers used motorcycles to sneak the ore into Rwanda via backroads to avoid scrutiny by Congolese forces remaining along the border, according to more than a dozen people familiar with the situation, including current and former smugglers, miners and local businessmen. The journey could take an entire day, according to two ex-smugglers who transported coltan this way until last year. They said they loaded their bikes each trip with three 50-kilogram bags and were paid about $34 for delivering it to coltan traders. But alterations implemented by M23 have proven a game changer in terms of efficiency, nine of those people said. Motorcycles are no longer the primary means of transport and are used only to ferry the coltan from the mine to the town of Rubaya. From there, the ore is loaded into four-wheel drive SUVs, pickups and other vehicles capable of hauling anywhere from two tons to 20 tons each, according to the people and the July U.N report. The system is faster, too. Since M23 drove Congolese troops from Goma and took control of that border city, coltan trucks can now pass freely through it on paved roads into Rwanda, slashing transport times, the people said. U.N. experts and human rights activists have long warned that profits from illegal mining are funding conflict. They say the trade has brought little wealth to local people and that child labor is common. Reuters witnessed at least a dozen children working at the Rubaya mine: Young boys entered the shafts to haul out ore and carry it to the basins where girls worked alongside adults washing and drying the coltan. Gregory Mthembu-Salter, a former U.N. expert on Congo who now does consulting on conflict minerals, said broad efforts by the mining industry, U.N. agencies and non-government organizations that began around 2010 to clean up the region's supply chain and prevent human rights abuses have largely failed. 'Here we are, 15 years later, (and) the same thing is happening,' said Mthembu-Salter, director of Phuzumoya Consulting. U.S. investors eye Rubaya's riches Some U.S. entrepreneurs have also set their sights on Rubaya's coltan treasure as President Donald Trump seeks to broker a peace deal to end the conflict and promote development of the region's mineral wealth. In Congo, those riches include huge reserves of cobalt, gold, copper, lithium and diamonds in addition to coltan. The country's formal mining sector at present is dominated by Chinese companies. 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They also raised concerns about a potential conflict of interest in a Trump ally angling for rights to develop the Rubaya mine. White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly said in an Aug. 5 emailed statement that the agreement between Congo and Rwanda arranged by Trump has the potential to lead to lasting peace and stability in the region. The president's vision is a 'win-win outcome where all parties benefit—economically and politically—through cooperation and shared prosperity,' the statement said. She did not respond to a follow-up query about the letter from congressional Democrats. The U.S. State Department did not comment. On Aug. 1, the State Department said in a statement that it was committed to supporting efforts being made by Rwanda and Congo to advance security and economic cooperation. Heads of state would soon be invited to Washington for a summit, according to the statement, which did not elaborate. The U.S.-backed accord does not include M23. 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Kagame said Congo first must live up to its promises to subdue the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an eastern Congo-based ethnic Hutu militia linked to the Rwandan genocide, which Kigali sees as an existential threat. Josaphat Musamba, a Congolese researcher and Ph.D student at Ghent University in Belgium, said suppressing the militia would be a tall order for the DRC's military, which is no longer present in large swathes of M23-controlled territory. 'It's difficult to neutralize the FDLR as long as M23 are there and the Congolese army has not redeployed,' Musamba said. He described both peace initiatives as 'piecemeal' efforts that aren't dealing with 'the reality on the ground.' Another formidable undertaking would be transforming Rubaya's current crude system of coltan extraction into a modern operation, said a senior diplomat who is closely following events. 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