
Slovenia to vote in referendum on artist pension that has fostered culture war
Voters in the central European country will cast their verdict on a government bill that details the conditions and terms under which certain artists can claim an allowance to be added to their pensions.
For the referendum law to be rejected, at least one-fifth of all eligible voters among Slovenia's population of 2.12 million must vote 'no'. The number of 'no' votes must also represent more than half of all votes cast.
The bill, which passed parliament in January, has been prepared by the culture ministry that is held by the leader of the eco-socialist Left party, Asta Vrečko. The government – comprised of a coalition of the Freedom Movement, Social Democrats and Left parties – says it is enacting an overdue reform of special pension provisions for persons of merit that dates back to 1974, when Slovenia was one of the republics of Yugoslavia, by tying them to stricter criteria rather than leaving them at the mercy of the personal tastes of whichever politician holds the culture ministry.
Leading in the polls a year before national elections, however, the conservative Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) has found in the relatively technical tweak to a 50-year-old law a rich seam for a culture war against perceived cultural elites. The referendum was initiated by the party, which is led by Janez Janša, a former prime minister.
Janša, an admirer of Donald Trump who has led the SDS since 1993, said in March that classical art was 'being replaced by all sorts of degenerate, unhinged models that claim to be 'modern'' – his choice of the adjective izrojen echoing the term used by the German Nazi party to denounce modern art, entartete or 'degenerate'.
Posters and billboards hung across Slovenian towns across the country since February have featured an image of the Slovenian artist Maja Smrekar breastfeeding a dog, alongside the slogan: 'Change for the people, prestige for the elite.'
Smrekar, 47, said the image is being used without her permission and wrenches out of context a single picture from a larger project, called K-9 Topology, which explores the bonds between humans and canines.
'Ever since the four weeks of signature collection for the referendum, I have received numerous threats and highly offensive messages via various communication channels,' she told the Guardian. 'When politics decides what is art and what isn't, that's when democracy breaks down.'
Over the course of a four-month residency at Berlin's Freies Museum in 2015-2016, the Brežice-born artist underwent psycho-endocrinological training to induce lactation and breastfed a sheepdog puppy, as 'a form of interspecies solidarity and care'.
In 2017, Smrekar's K-9 Topology won the Golden Nica trophy at Austria's Prix Ars Electronica, one of the world's oldest media art competitions, followed by Slovenia's prestigious Prešeren Foundation award in 2018.
Under the new criteria proposed by the government, the combination of these awards would entitle Smrekar to a pension top-up equalling 50% of the difference between her existing pension and the highest one calculated from the pension base for 40 years of service.
Janša's SDS, which has governed Slovenia for almost nine of the last 20 years and handed out seven 'special pensions' for cultural merit in 2022, says the proposed new rules would lead to an increasing share of public funds being allocated to 'privileged' individuals, including those 'who have contributed very little, if anything, to the pension fund'. An SDS spokesperson said: 'Meanwhile, more than half of all pensioners live below the poverty line.'
Sign up to This is Europe
The most pressing stories and debates for Europeans – from identity to economics to the environment
after newsletter promotion
The divisive referendum campaign is taking place against the backdrop of a broader pension reform embarked on by the government of Robert Golob, the prime minister, at the urging of the European Commission, which will lead to a rise in the retirement age from 60 years to 62 for those who have worked 40 years.
The government says that while its bill would initially lead to a surge of special pensions for artists on a waiting list, the overall burden on taxpayers would eventually stabilise at a lower cost than under the old law.
Of the 83 artists receiving special pensions for artists in Slovenia, 33 are next-of-kin who inherited it from the original recipient under the rules of original 1974 law. The revised bill would scrap the inheritance rule.
Slovenia's national electoral commission has calculated the cost of the referendum on the bill could amount to about €6.6m. 'The referendum is being abused as an election campaign, and a very costly one at that', Vrečko, the culture minister, told the Guardian.
Golob – who was a newcomer at the 2022 elections – has urged the voters to boycott the vote, earning stark rebukes from the opposition. At Slovenian elections in 2022, his Freedom Movement emerged as a surprise winner, bucking an electoral trend towards rightwing populist rule in central and eastern European states such as Hungary and Serbia.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


STV News
9 hours ago
- STV News
Sir George Reid: Nationalist with a life of purpose beyond the political arena
George Reid was a journalist, an ambassador for the Red Cross, an SNP politician, the Scottish Parliament's second presiding officer and a champion of non-tribal progressive politics. His career witnessed the great devolution debates of the 1970s and he had a ringside seat at some of the key events on the road to establishing the Scottish Parliament in 1999. The home rule issue dominated his time in politics and Reid brought an always considered view to the great issues of the day. He was born in 1939 at Tullibody in Clackmannanshire. He graduated from St Andrews University with a first-class honours degree in history. Reid had a strong analytical mind and, as befits a history graduate, a keen sense of the significance of events. Getty Images SNP MPs outside Westminster in March 1975: (L-R) George Reid, Gordon Wilson (1938 – 2017), Douglas Henderson (1935 – 2006), Margaret Ewing (1945 – 2006), Hamish Watt (1925 – 2014), Douglas Crowford (1939 – 2002), Andrew Walsh. (Photo by Evening Standard/) Allied to a slick presentational style, it was perhaps obvious he would head to the world of broadcast journalism. He worked for several newspapers and in television, he was employed variously by the BBC, Granada Television and STV. Reid allied himself with the SNP although he would privately despair of the highly tribal nature of politics and he was, in general, a believer in cross-party cooperation. This was as much a matter of belief as well as temperament, for he preferred reasoned argument to the dreary knockabout which can glory personal abuse. He identified himself as a social democrat long before the SNP owned up to an ideology and long before it came into fashion in the UK with the creation of the SDP in 1981. Getty Images George Reid. Member of SNP, Scottish National Party, MSP for Mid Scotland and Fife constituency/ region. (Photo by Jeff Overs/BBC News & Current Affairs via Getty Images) He was a man of the mainstream centre-left and his embrace of independence rested on its potential to deliver a more socially just country. He also saw the need for the SNP to break out from a 1970s mantra that they were a radical party whilst many continued to insist that they were neither of the right or left. He quit broadcasting to fight Clackmannan and East Stirlingshire in the first General Election of 1974. He retained the seat at the second election in October that same year, more than doubling his majority. The 1974-79 UK Parliament was an unhappy affair for Reid. The SNP was riding high in the polls and Labour was privately worried that it could lose heartland seats to the Nationalists. A Scottish Assembly was the device to devolve government and stall the forward march of the Nationalists. Labour legislated not once but twice for an Assembly. It never materialised as the 1979 Referendum failed to deliver a big enough vote for change. The SNP, like Labour, was fundamentally split on the Assembly issue. Reid was firmly in the camp that saw limited devolution as an important first step on the road to independence. The SNP voted with Margaret Thatcher to collapse the Callaghan government, a fact Labour politicians used repeatedly against what some termed 'the tartan Tories'. Reid voted with his SNP colleagues to force an election but he didn't do it with any relish. At the ensuing General Election, the SNP collapsed and Reid lost his seat. Donald Dewar's win a year earlier in a by-election at Glasgow Garscadden started to turn the tide in Labour's favour. He left frontline politics to take up a job in Geneva with the International Red Cross. Reid was the fixer who led to Michael Buerk's report of the Ethiopian famine in 1984, a move that led to the creation of Band Aid and Live Aid. He returned to Scottish politics in 1995, giving the annual Donaldson lecture at the SNP conference. In an interview I conducted with him at that conference in Perth, he said: 'A lot has changed since I have been away. Labour MPs signing the Claim of Right asserting the sovereignty of the Scottish people. Do they know what they have done?' The line was delivered with great panache and impeccable timing which were hallmarks of Reid's presentational style. He was a member of the constitutional steering group which helped shape the rules and values of a Parliament which finally arrived after the Labour landslide in 1997. He was comfortable with the cross-party nature of the body and always strived to work in a way which brought people together. After the first Holyrood election he was defeated by David Steel for the position of presiding officer. Four years later the role would be his. He had been re-elected to Holyrood as the constituency member for Ochil and he suspended his SNP membership to take up the politically neutral role as the Parliament's figurehead. He was a more effective presiding officer than Steel and he showed real leadership in getting the Holyrood building project over the line. The saga turned the building of a new Parliament into a full-scale crisis for devolution and Reid played a key part in helping to put a hugely damaging issue to bed. He quit Holyrood in 2007 and took up a number of international roles as well as being appointed Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Reid enjoyed the role enormously, not least because he liked the ceremonial aspects, which some of his detractors said brought out the pompous in him. Between 2008 and 2011 he was an independent adviser on the Scottish Ministerial code. He also served for four years as an electoral commissioner. In 2009, he led a wide-ranging review of the National Trust for Scotland, securing the organisation's future. In 2012, he was knighted for services to Scottish politics and public life. After retirement, he continued to work as an academic at Stirling University, teaching students right up until the last few weeks. He kept his retirement busy with projects that interested him and in truth he did not have the stomach or the inclination to get involved in the combat world of party politics, although he remained a committed nationalist and SNP member. George Reid had a varied career which brought him into contact with great national and international issues. He made his contribution with style and only after careful thought. He was on his day, as impressive as any politician of the devolved era. His life was a full and rewarding one and for the most part it was done in the pursuit of trying to make Scotland a better place to live. He is survived by his wife of 57 years, Daphne, his daughter Morag, his son-in-law and five grandchildren. Get all the latest news from around the country Follow STV News Scan the QR code on your mobile device for all the latest news from around the country


The Guardian
a day ago
- The Guardian
Salmond, independence strategy and sexism: what we've learned from Nicola Sturgeon's book
Nicola Sturgeon's much-anticipated political memoir Frankly is now on sale after a cascade of hype and teasing interviews. The once stratospherically popular Scottish Nationalist leader, who led her party to repeated electoral success before becoming by her own admission a polarising force in Scottish politics, reflects on her working-class upbringing and the 'burning sense of destiny' that drove her. As Scotland's first female first minister, she participated in some of the most significant moments of modern political history – the independence referendum, the Brexit vote and its aftermath, and the Covid pandemic. But her revelations have already inflamed many of the divisions she discusses in the book. So what have we learned? Sturgeon's political partnership with her predecessor as first minister, Alex Salmond, dominates the memoir far more than any of her romantic relationships. She describes tensions that existed between them long before their catastrophic falling out over her government's handling of sexual harassment complaints against him. Salmond later stood trial and was cleared of all 13 charges, although a pattern of bullying and inappropriate behaviour towards younger female staff emerged in court. Asked directly in pre-publication interviews if she knew about Salmond's alleged behaviour, she insisted she did not, telling Sam Baker on The Shift podcast: 'I have searched my own soul over this so many times.' The memoir includes a forensic deconstruction of the conspiracy theory espoused by Salmond before his death last autumn that the allegations were confected by Sturgeon's inner circle – 'he was determined to destroy me,' she writes – and she includes the startling suggestion that Salmond himself may have leaked the initial story to the Daily Record. Her treatment of Salmond has drawn immediate fire from his allies. The former SNP MP Joanna Cherry accused Sturgeon of 'impugning a dead man who cannot defend himself' while others have demanded a retraction and an apology to his widow, Moira. David Clegg, the journalist who broke the story after receiving an anonymous envelope containing details of the harassment investigation, described Sturgeon's allegation as 'a conspiracy theory too far'. He told the BBC: 'It shows the level of suspicion and the deep rift that had formed between Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon prior to his death.' Writing about the bruising parliamentary passage of her flagship gender recognition measures, aimed at making it easier for a trans person to change their legal sex, Sturgeon uses far more ameliorative language than she has done before. She admits she should have considered pausing the legislation as the debate around it became increasingly toxic, although she says she still 'fervently believes' that the rights of women and the interests of trans people are not irreconcilable. She writes how she was 'blindsided' when the case of the double rapist Adam Graham, who was initially sent to a female prison after self-identifying as a woman called Isla Bryson, came to light and 'gave a human face to fears that until then had been abstract for most people'. She accepts she 'lost the dressing room' when she was unable to answer directly whether Bryson was a woman. In interviews now she remains evasive on that question, saying someone who commits a crime of such gravity 'forfeits their right' to change gender, and explains that 'anything I say about Isla Bryson will immediately be taken and transferred to every trans person'. The campaign group For Women Scotland, which opposed the measures, has accused Sturgeon of belatedly displaying 'retro reasonableness … in order to promote her book'. Sturgeon is legally constrained in what she can write about Operation Branchform, the Police Scotland investigation into the SNP's finances, while her husband, Peter Murrell, a former party chief executive from whom she is now separated, awaits trial for embezzlement. But she describes feeling as if she had 'fallen into the plot of a dystopian novel' when the police knocked on her door to arrest Murrell in April 2023 and she was arrested herself a few months later. 'I was devastated, mortified, confused and terrified,' she says. And although she insists she knew nothing of the alleged embezzlement, she writes of the shame she felt at how others would interpret events. ''No smoke without fire' is a strong human instinct,' she writes. In another striking moment of candour, Sturgeon describes having a panic attack 'on the floor of my home office, crying and struggling to breathe' as she struggled to edit her the Scottish government's white paper on independence. The 2014 campaign was 'like trying to push a boulder up hill', she writes, and she is particularly critical of what she describes as biased and London-centric media coverage. She assesses her later strategy critically and accepts she was 'probably wrong' to try to cast the 2024 general election as a de facto independence referendum – but predicts that 'within 20 years … the UK in its current form will no longer exist'. In a line pored over by interviewers, she writes: 'I have never considered sexuality, my own included, to be binary.' Pressed on what she meant by this, Sturgeon – who has been the subject of prurient and often lesbophobic speculation in the past – said she was not intending 'some big revelation' and that she hoped in future her relationships would remain private matters. On the breakup of her marriage, she writes that the strain of the police investigation was 'impossible to bear'. She also writes with graphic honesty about the gruelling miscarriage she went through aged 40, and shares the name she had chosen for the baby, whom she believed would be a girl, Isla. The title of the memoir, Frankly, raised some eyebrows when it was announced considering the repeated criticisms of Sturgeon's government for its lack of transparency, in particular during the Covid pandemic. Evidence to the UK Covid inquiry revealed mass deletions of WhatsApp messages by senior Scottish government figures and unminuted crisis meetings. Sturgeon reveals she sought counselling for the first time in her life when she came 'perilously close to a breakdown' after giving evidence to the inquiry – where she was confronted with a 'devastating' accusation that she had been self-serving and politically motivated. Sturgeon writes of the misogyny and sexism she faced – 'so endemic that I didn't always recognise it as such' – and the pressures she put on herself. 'Living up to the honour of being the first female incumbent of my office became almost an obsession,' she says. She sets out how a male MSP bullied her during her first term at Holyrood, spreading a 'horrible' rumour that she had injured a boyfriend during oral sex and giving her the nickname 'gnasher'. She also writes about how she was accompanied by almost crippling self-doubt, but she told Baker on The Shift that she believed her lack of confidence became her 'superpower' as it fuelled her ferocious work ethic and determination to succeed. Sturgeon says at the conclusion of her memoir that she is more content and more resilient than she has ever been, while the process of writing had been 'a form of therapy in action … amidst a constant cacophony of voices claiming to know me better than I do myself'. She has hinted she may leave Scotland for a time, telling a BBC News podcast: 'This may shock many people to hear, but I love London.'


Times
a day ago
- Times
Fixing the retirement crisis means tackling public sector pensions
The lights on the UK's pensions dashboard are flashing red, again. The government is not ignoring the issue but, for reasons I will come to, that is part of the problem. Anyone looking for the quick answer to what they should do about the crisis should save as much as you can, preferably in a generous workplace pension. However much you're saving already, it wouldn't hurt to save a bit more. Why am I so pessimistic? First, because of the economic context in which we find ourselves. The state pension now costs about £135 billion a year and is set to keep rising, thanks to an ageing population and the triple lock, which guarantees increases. Official public debt (which excludes unfunded public sector pension schemes) is about 100 per cent of GDP, the tax burden is at a 60-year high, growth is stagnating, unemployment is rising, the budget deficit isn't shrinking and the rate that the government pays on its debt is now consistently and significantly higher than it was during the mini-budget, when Liz Truss was alleged by many to have 'crashed the economy'. The government has demonstrated that it is incapable of cutting the welfare bill, and just about every tax-raising initiative it has tried, from VAT on school fees, to tax on non-doms and raising employers' national insurance has had negative consequences. It is fast running out of road. When it comes to our retirement then, the government has little room for manoeuvre. Dispiritingly though, where there is wriggle room it has chosen not to use it. As well as the dire economic situation, my other big worry for our pensions is that while the government isn't ignoring the situation, the pensions commission it has launched to review it looks like it is going to be a Potemkin review, giving the semblance of tackling problems while not actually achieving very much. The government appears to have already put out of reach all the big policy levers which could actually make a difference to the dire trajectory which millions of us are currently set on. The pensions commission can't opine on the triple lock which, within the next few years, will have added an extra £15 billion to the cost of state pensions. It can't look at pension tax relief, which costs the government approximately £70 billion a year; it can't look at public sector pensions, which now cost about £50 billion a year and which are the cause of the single biggest inequality in our pension system — the disparity between public and private sector retirement provision. The pensions minister has even told the review not to recommend any increases to auto-enrolment contributions for the duration of this parliament; this is in spite of a widely accepted and supported review in 2017 having already recommended some sensible, modest adjustments to auto-enrolment to boost savings rates. The commission will no doubt make some useful recommendations about auto-enrolling the self-employed, boosting savings for women and ethnic minorities, and maybe even some long-term increases to auto-enrolment rates for employees. This shouldn't distract us from the big fiscal challenges it appears set to ignore. The good news about pensions is that we have time on our side; we're talking about making changes today to deliver benefits decades in the future. However, it is also true that because the benefits are so far in the future, the temptation for politicians to make easy short-term decisions in preference to hard long-term choices is almost irresistible. The longer this goes on, the harder will be the eventual reckoning, most probably in the form of a reduced state pension paid at higher ages. Social care, too, is approaching a breaking point and nothing is being done. For this reason, my advice remains, save as much as you can for yourself and, however much you're saving, maybe save a bit more. Tom McPhail has nearly 40 years' experience in the pensions industry. He spent 18 years at Hargreaves Lansdown, where he was head of retirement policy