
ROBERT HARDMAN: Gleaming George is back in Trafalgar Square... and still standing on U.S. soil
Standing alongside the British and American flags, as the Band of the Grenadier Guards played a faultless Star-Spangled Banner, a US President received the warmest of welcomes back to a sweltering London yesterday afternoon – with not a single protester to be seen or heard.
A few months short of the expected state visit of President Donald Trump, VIPs from both sides of the Atlantic had assembled in Trafalgar Square for the first warm-up event – the return of President George Washington to the plinth where he was originally erected in 1921.
He is now back again, opposite Lord Nelson's column and looking spotless, too, after extensive restoration work.
Unchanged, however, are the foundations beneath the statue.
Since Washington had allegedly vowed never to set foot on British soil (and never did), his plinth was originally planted on a bed of imported soil from his native Virginia – and that is how he remains.
Even during recent repair work, he rested on a pallet to keep him off British ground.
While the rededication of the statue was certainly timely, given Mr Trump's impending arrival, the catalyst for the restoration had actually been next year's 250th anniversary of American independence.
As Governor of Virginia Glenn Youngkin reflected at a National Gallery ceremony ahead of yesterday's unveiling, this moment was a tribute to 'the birth of our nation and the foundation of our friendship'.
The phrase 'special relationship' was liberally peppered across speeches from speakers including former prime minister Baroness May and Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy.
The new US ambassador to Britain, Warren Stephens, explained: 'As George Washington reminds us, the special relationship was birthed in conflict but quickly became a beacon of light and peace.'
His counterpart, Lord Mandelson, warned American visitors not to be offended if they find that their national hero does not stay looking spotless for long: 'Just remember, the pigeons only drop on the very best.'
George Washington has now stood in Trafalgar Square for more than a century following the gift of the statue in 1914 – though it could not be properly erected until after the First World War. George V decided on a prime spot in Trafalgar Square, in front of the National Gallery.
Back then, a huge crowd heard the welcome speech by the foreign secretary, Lord Curzon, who embraced Washington as an ancestral Brit – 'one of the greatest Englishmen who ever lived because though he fought us and vanquished us, he was fighting for ideals and principles which were as sacred to us as they were to the American people.'
A century on, a number of concerned Americans, led by Virginian businessman John Gerber, had noticed that Washington was looking rather forlorn.
The mundane words on his Portland Stone plinth – 'Presented To The People Of Great Britain And Ireland By The Commonwealth Of Virginia 1921' – were barely legible. Passers-by had no idea who he was.
Moved by Curzon's words, the Friends of the Washington Statue set to work and, yesterday, the great man reappeared from beneath a huge velvet drape, complete with new inscriptions around the base: 'Rededicated In Honour Of Enduring Friendship 2025'; 'To Our Common Ideals And Principles'; and 'To Our Common Sacrifices'.
As for Washington's alleged allergy to British soil, Mr Gerber acknowledged that 'it was probably never said, but it's a good story'.
Nonetheless, Governor Youngkin and his wife, Suzanne, had flown in with some unusual luggage – a cannister of fresh Virginian soil to sprinkle around the base.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Sky News
an hour ago
- Sky News
UK attorney general concerns over Iran-Israel war
The UK government's top legal adviser has raised questions over whether Israel's actions in Iran are lawful, according to a source familiar with discussions inside the government. The source suggested to Sky News that Attorney General Richard Hermer's thinking, which has not been published, complicates the UK's potential involvement in the Iran-Israel conflict. If the attorney general deems Israel's actions in Iran to be unlawful then the UK is restricted in its ability to help to defend Israel or support the United States in any planned attacks on Iran. Speaking on condition of anonymity, the source said that the attorney general's concerns limit UK involvement in the conflict "unless our personnel are targeted". US President Donald Trump is currently weighing up his options for Iran and has repeatedly suggested the US could get involved militarily. This would likely involve the use of US B-2 bombers to drop bunker-busting bombs to destroy Iran's nuclear facility built deep into the side of a mountain at Fordow. These B-2 bombers could be flown from the UK base at Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, strategically close to Iran. The US could also choose to fly them the far greater distance from the US mainland. Under a longstanding convention, the UK grants permission to the US for the base to be used for military operations. The US military could also request the use of the UK military base in Cyprus, for refuelling planes. Any refusal by the British could complicate US military action and, diplomatically, put pressure on the trans-Atlantic relationship. Israel's justification Israel has justified its war by claiming that Iran poses an "imminent" and "existential" threat to Israel. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has cited his country's own undisclosed intelligence claiming Iran was on the brink of obtaining a nuclear weapon. The Israeli government also claimed, without publishing evidence, that Iran was planning an imminent attack on Israel. They also cited the recent International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) report which concluded that Iran had been "less than satisfactory" in "a number of respects" on its international compliance over its nuclear activities. It is not clear what aspect of Israel's justification for military action the attorney general has concerns over. The Attorney General's Office has told Sky News: "By long standing Convention, reflected in the ministerial code, whether the law officers have been asked to provide legal advice and the content of any advice is not routinely disclosed. "The Convention provides the fullest guarantee that government business will be conducted at all times in light of thorough and candid legal advice." The UK armed forces have previously rallied to help defend Israel from Iranian missile and drone strikes when the two sides engaged in direct confrontation last year. 34:31 In April 2024, RAF typhoon jets shot down drones fired from Iran. The UK military was also involved in efforts to defend Israel from a ballistic missile attack in October 2024. But the UK has not been involved in the current conflict, which began when Israel targeted Iranian nuclear facilities and scientists as well as more definitive military targets such as missile launchers and commanders. The UN's nuclear watchdog has previously raised concerns about any attack against nuclear facilities because of the inherent danger but also the legality. A number of resolutions passed by the IAEA's general conference has said "any armed attack on and threat against nuclear facilities devoted to peaceful purposes constitutes a violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter, international law and the Statute of the Agency". Israel believes that Iran's nuclear programme has a military use, which makes it a legitimate target. It believes the regime is aimed to enrich uranium to develop nuclear weapons. Tehran, however, has always insisted its nuclear programme is for civilian use. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) has also condemned Israel's use of armed force against Iran as a violation of the United Nations (UN) Charter and international law. Interpretations of International Law Different countries adopt varying interpretations on the use of force in response to future attacks. The first legal position is that nations can act preventatively to deflect threats. The second is that they can act to deflect future armed attacks that are imminent. The third is that states can only act to deflect attacks that have occurred. That third position is generally considered to be too restrictive and the first as too broad. The grey area lies with the second position, and it rests with the definition of "imminent". The concepts of 'proportionality', 'necessity' and 'imminence' are key considerations. International law scholars have told Sky News that Israel may pass the 'proportionality' test in its actions against Iran because its targets appear to have been military and nuclear. But whether there was the 'necessity' to attack Iran at this point is more questionable. The attorney general would likely be considering the key legal test of the 'imminence' of the Iranian threat against Israel - and whether it is reasonable to conclude that an attack from Iran was "imminent" - as he weighs the legal advice issued to UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer. There is always nuance with legal advice, judgements rest on a variety of factors and advice can evolve. In the run up to the 2003 Gulf War, the US and UK justified their action by arguing that Saddam Hussein possessed Weapons of Mass Destruction - a claim that turned out to be wrong. The then-attorney general's advice, which evolved, was central to Tony Blair's decision to join President Bush in attacking Iraq. The concerns of the attorney general emerged from enquiries by Sky News about whether the UK would help Israel to defend itself from attack by Iran. A separate source told Sky News that they would not steer us away from the claim over the attorney general's views. But the source said there is always nuance with legal advice and that it likely included other factors.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Europe must stand without the US – but the latest war in the Middle East shows it has no idea how
The rupture in the transatlantic relationship has left European leaders struggling to know how to think, let alone act, with any autonomy. Europe most urgently needs a mind of its own on the Middle East. Tragically, EU governments were just beginning to turn the page after a year and a half of complicity with the Israeli government's war crimes in Gaza. Donald Trump's obscene plans for a Gaza 'riviera' and 'humanitarian' initiatives that breach humanitarian principles were creating distance with the US, and European governments were starting to craft their own course. France and Saudi Arabia had planned a conference on the two-state solution, which might have led to Paris's recognition of Palestinian statehood. More significantly, the EU had accepted a review of the EU-Israel association agreement, which, in light of Israel's war crimes, should lead to the suspension of EU preferential trade with Tel Aviv, but now may not. However, Israel's military attack on Iran and the US's ambiguous yet evident support for this belligerence have upended Europe's shift towards greater autonomy and moral clarity. Of course, there is no love for the Iranian regime in EU capitals because of its human rights violations and military cooperation with Russia, notably in the war in Ukraine. Moreover, Europe rightly remains adamant that Iran should not have nuclear weapons. There is particular alarm over the International Atomic Energy Agency's most recent report on Iran's breaches of the non-proliferation treaty. But we have traditionally stood firm on the need to resolve the Iranian nuclear question through diplomacy. This is why in the early 2000s European negotiators invented the 'E3/EU format', comprising diplomats from France, Germany and the UK alongside the EU high representative to mediate on Iran's nuclear file. Today that world is gone. When Trump launched a direct negotiation with Iran, Europe was sidelined, excluded from any mediation process. Now, with Israel's military assault on Iran, we have failed to position ourselves with the necessary clarity: where was the denunciation of the bombing as a breach of the UN charter (article 2), and the additional protocol to the Geneva conventions (article 56), which specifically prohibits attacks against a state's nuclear facilities? It is one thing to uphold Israel's (or any other state's) right to self-defence. Quite another to legitimise pre-emptive strikes. This chronic impotence arises because Europe has traditionally viewed the world through a transatlantic lens. On most international issues, it has, for decades, worked hand-in-glove with Washington, using aid, trade, diplomacy, sanctions, defence and EU integration to support US foreign policy aims, convinced that the overarching values and interests were shared. Only on rare occasions have European countries openly opposed the US – as France and Germany did with the Bush administration over the US-led war on Iraq in 2003. Even where there is a difference of approach, Europe has sought to influence US foreign policy by mitigating its hard edges rather than thwarting it. European mediation on the Iran nuclear weapons question, for example, led to the joint comprehensive plan of action in 2015. And as the global rivalry between the US and China deepened, EU governments distanced themselves from US calls for decoupling the western and Chinese economies, instead promoting the softer alternative of 'de-risking'. Trump's foreign policy wrecking ball, however, has created a world in which Europeans have to stand on their own feet. And they are struggling. On Ukraine, Europe has learned the hard way and stands firm, maintaining financial and military assistance to Kyiv while exploring ways of filling the gaps in the event of US disengagement. But apart from Ukraine, we are at a loss. It is true that Europe has toughened up on Beijing; it is no longer starry-eyed about China's belt and road initiative and the strategic risk posed by Beijing's policies in Europe. The EU has started screening Chinese investments in Europe and raised tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles. But Trump's mixed signals mean that Europe needs to figure out alone what it thinks and wants from Beijing. The EU cannot afford a trade war on multiple fronts, especially if its own trade talks with Washington derail. European governments also know that there is no way they can meet climate neutrality by 2050, now enshrined in law, without cooperating with China, which is a leader in the green economy. Even in the unlikely event of a comprehensive 'deal' between Trump and Xi Jinping, it's hard to imagine Europeans reverting to the old days in which China was solely viewed as an economic partner and ally in defence of multilateralism. Europeans need to develop their own ideas and policies independently of an erratic White House, but they don't know how to get there. In its political wavering on the latest war, Europe has neither won favour from Washington nor improved its standing with Israel. In the meantime, it has lost all credibility as an honest broker with Iran. The cherry on the cake is that Russia has angled itself as a possible mediator instead, with Trump winking at this preposterous proposition. The risk is that Europe will also now block its own route to a more morally principled approach to the horrors in Gaza: the coming days will tell if the EU suspends its trade agreement with Israel, or if that too is put on the back burner. Ukraine is Europe's foremost security interest. Yet war, chaos and nuclear proliferation in the Middle East – which could be the unwanted consequence of the Israel-Iran war – are more consequential for Europe than for the US. So far, the European response is a far cry from thought or action, independent of the US. Nathalie Tocci is a Guardian Europe columnist


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
The Australia-US alliance is facing a decisive test, and not just over the Middle East
Would Australia go to war to support the United States in conflict with China over Taiwan – or elsewhere? The government avoids discussing the question, let alone answering it, by dismissing it as hypothetical. But it will not go away, for two reasons. First, the possibility of us going to war over Taiwan looms over the whole debate about our military preparedness and defence spending, and gives it urgency. That is because choosing to fight China alongside the US is a scenario in which Australia would find itself drawn into a major conflict. Surely we should be talking about that choice now, in advance, rather than wait till a crisis breaks? But the other reason the question won't go away is that Washington wants it answered, and soon. Today, of course, all eyes are on the Middle East as Donald Trump ponders whether to join Israel's apparently open-ended war with Iran. Until recently that would almost certainly mean Australia too was faced with a choice as to whether to follow the US into yet another Middle East war. But things are different now. The defence minister, Richard Marles, has dismissed any Australian involvement, saying on Tuesday: 'We are not a part of this conflict.' That is because, despite Iran and Gaza, China's epochal challenge to the US makes the Taiwan question, not the Middle East, the decisive test of our US alliance. Trump's isolationism means the risk of a US-China war over Taiwan is lower now than it was under Joe Biden. But it remains the US military's key concern, as the defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, made clear in Singapore. Australia's commitment in such a conflict has become a touchstone of our seriousness as an ally at a time when ever-closer enmeshment with Washington under Aukus has become the core of the Albanese government's foreign and defence policies. It goes to the heart of whether Aukus really is in US interests, and thus whether Aukus will survive. It will be a central question in the Pentagon's review of the pact. That is because under Aukus the US is supposed to be passing some of its vital and scarce Virginia-class submarines to Australia. It makes no sense to do that unless it is sure that we would send them to join the US fleet in a war. The same is true of the buildup of US combat forces, including long-range bombers, at Australian bases. That too makes no sense unless we guarantee in advance that those forces can be used in a war against China. So for the Pentagon the question of Australia's stance in a US-China war is not remotely hypothetical. All this no doubt explains why Marles edged closer to engaging on the issue on Monday at a defence conference in Canberra. He did not say, as one breathless headline had it, 'US-China war: we would be involved.' But he did drop two plain hints to Washington. He said: 'Australia's geography today is more relevant to great power contest than it has been … arguably at any point in our history.' This conveyed to Washington that the government understands how central Australia has become to the US military contest with China, and how much US planning for war with China now assumes Australian support. A few moments later he said: 'The defence of Australia is intimately connected with the peace and stability of the Pacific, the peace and stability of south-east Asia, of north-east Asia, of the north-east Indian Ocean.' He went on: 'The geography of our national security, it lies much less along the coastline of the continent, as it does further afield.' This conveys that the government's military posture is focused on fighting alongside the US far from our shores in places like the Taiwan Strait, rather than defending the continent itself. Others speaking at the conference went further, with one former senior official saying: 'We would be involved.' This seems to reflect the broader consensus of the Canberra bureaucracy. But do Anthony Albanese and his senior minsters agree? Do Marles' comments reflect anything more than a desire to placate Washington without really answering a question they would prefer to leave in the too-hard basket, hoping it will go away? If so, they are making a big mistake. It is time for Australia to have a serious conversation about our involvement. Two questions should be uppermost. First, what would be our aims in taking part in a conflict? The obvious ones are to help defend Taiwan's democracy, to help preserve the US position as the leading power in Asia and stop China taking its place, and to 'pay our dues' as a US ally. Second, how likely are we to achieve these aims? The short answer is very unlikely. With or without Australia's support, the US has no serious chance of winning a war with China over Taiwan. That means Taiwan would not be saved, the US position in Asia would be not preserved, and Australia's value as an ally would disappear. Like Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, we would have followed Washington into a war that achieved neither its objectives nor ours but this time at unimaginably greater cost. That being so, we should give Washington a plain answer to its Taiwan question. The answer should be no. Hugh White is emeritus professor of strategic studies at ANU. His Quarterly Essay Hard New World: Our Post-American Future was published this month