French aircraft carrier stages combat drills with Filipinos in disputed sea and visits Philippines
The Charles de Gaulle docked on Friday at Subic Bay, a former U.S. Naval base northwest of Manila, for a break after more than two months of deployment in the Indo-Pacific. The French carrier engaged with security allies for contingency readiness and to promote regional security, including with Filipino forces, navy ships and fighter jets. They held anti-submarine warfare drills and aerial combat training on Friday in the South China Sea, Philippine and French officials said.
Last year, the French navy deployed a frigate for the first time to participate in a joint sail with United States and Philippine counterpart forces in and near the disputed waters. It was part of the largest annual combat exercises in years by American and Filipino allied forces. The drills, known as Balikatan (Tagalog for 'shoulder-to-shoulder'), involved more than 16,000 military personnel.
China strongly criticized the exercises then, saying the Philippines was 'ganging up' with countries from outside Asia in an obvious reference to the U.S. and its security partners, and warned the drills could instigate confrontation and undermine regional stability.
France's recent and ongoing military deployments to the Philippines underscore its 'commitment to regional security and the shared goal of strengthening maritime cooperation in the Indo-Pacific,' Armed Forces of the Philippines spokesperson Co. Xerxes Trinidad said.
The Charles de Gaulle, the only nuclear-powered aircraft carrier in the world other than those of the U.S. Navy, led a strike group that included three destroyer warships and an oil replenishment ship in its first-ever visit to the Philippines, French officials said.
France has been shoring up its military engagements with the Philippines and other Southeast Asian nations at odds with China in the disputed waters, a key global trade and security route although it says those emergency-preparedness actions were not aimed at any particular country.
China, however, has bristled at any presence of foreign forces, especially the U.S. military and its allies, which carry out war drills or patrols in the South China Sea, which Beijing claims almost in its entirety although it has not publicly released exact coordinates of its claim other than 10 dashed lines to demarcate vaguely what it calls its territory on maps.
Beijing's claims overlap with those of the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan in long-unresolved territorial standoffs. Indonesia has also figured in violent confrontations with Chinese coast guard and fishing fleets in the Natuna waters.
Two weeks ago, Australia protested after a Chinese J-16 fighter jet released flares that passed within 30 meters (100 feet) of an Australian P-8 Poseidon surveillance jet over the South China Sea, according to Australian Defense Minister Richard Marles.
The Australian military plane did not sustain any damage and no crewmember was injured in the Feb. 11 incident. A Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson accused the Australian aircraft of 'deliberately' intruding into airspace over the disputed Paracel Islands, which China and Vietnam contest.
In late 2023, French Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu and Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro signed an accord to boost military cooperation and joint engagements.
France and the Philippines began talks last year on a defense pact that would allow troops from each country to hold exercises in the other's territory. French negotiators have handed a draft of the agreement to their Filipino counterparts to start the negotiations.
The Philippines has also signed such status-of-forces agreements with the U.S. and Australia. A signed agreement with Japan was expected to be ratified by Japanese legislators this year for it to be enforced while talks between New Zealand and the Philippines for a similar defense pact recently concluded.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Forbes
a few seconds ago
- Forbes
To Survive A China Fight, U.S. Navy Must Boost West Coast Shipbuilding
The Navy's dream of using small, autonomous ships to deter China's massive conventional naval force is inspiring. The only problem is these Navy strategies depend upon the operational status of the Panama Canal. Without the canal—a shortcut between the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans—the Navy's high-tech dreams quickly become a logistical nightmare. If Navy battle plans depend on fielding lots and lots of expendable craft throughout the Pacific, then the Navy had better get serious about building small craft on the west coast, at scale. After years of drumming small craft from the fleet, it is good to see the Navy begin to change course. Dispatching lots of small, expendable ships into the Pacific is not a new concept. Take the tiny World War II-era Patrol Torpedo (PT) Boat. Between 77 and 80 feet long, fleets of these small, lightweight PT Boats fought all over the world. In the Pacific, by the end of World War II, at least 212 PT boats had gotten into the fight. To forward-deploy these vessels, the little ships had to wind their way from shipyards on the eastern side of America, transit the Panama Canal, and fan out into the Pacific. For small craft, America's game plan for the Pacific is the same today as it was 85 years ago. Virtually every surface combatant and Coast Guard Cutter counts on the Panama Canal to pivot between the Atlantic and the Pacific. As an always-reliable asset, few Navy operators alive today waste time mulling canal contingencies. As an unquestioned component of American battle plans since 1914, far too many of America's high-tech warfighters take this global choke point for granted. That is a mistake. Logistics and infrastructure defense specialists know that Panama's strategic short-cut between the Atlantic Ocean and the Pacific Ocean is under threat. The Navy must address the ugly fact that, despite all the security America can provide, a diverse array of enemies, rivals and criminals can shut the Panama Canal down at virtually any time. In modern 'hybrid' conflict, no complex piece of infrastructure is totally secure. The only way to fully mitigate the risk of a strategically significant Panama Canal closure is for the Navy to quickly mobilize America's few remaining shipbuilding-ready sites on the West Coast. If America's national security strategy is based upon a safe and secure Pacific, then America had better prepare to build lots of ships—particularly expendable ones—on the West Coast. U.S. Navy Must Boost West Coast Shipbuilding Real warfighters know that any fight in the Pacific is about managing distance. Without the Panama Canal, the 4,500 nautical mile transit from the Gulf Coast to the Navy's West Coast headquarters in San Diego gets a whole lot longer. Aside from adding 10,000 nautical miles to the trip, the detour south forces ships to travel around Cape Horn and through some of the roughest waters in the world. America's Navy is unready for this kind of grinding logistical endeavor. U.S. Southern Command logisticians know that supporting destroyers and Littoral Combat Ships in the southern hemisphere is hard enough. Managing fleets of America's next-generation autonomous ships, and getting them fuel and maintenance support during a forced months-long detour around South America is a far harder task. Given America's withered afloat support capabilities, shepherding fleets of small craft around Cape Horn is an almost insurmountable logistical challenge. To limit logistical burdens and reduce wear and tear on transiting small craft, the Navy could take a page from World War II-era tactics, and put their small autonomous ships aboard larger shuttle vessels. In World War II, freighters and tankers often ferried PT boats into action, but still, even with a functional Panama Canal, the Navy needed to allocate a month and a half for larger ships to shuttle PT boats from Panama to the contested waters off Guadalcanal. And, even then, the transit wasn't entirely risk free. Cranes would drop boats, or the sea would damage vessels sitting topside. The ferrying cargo ships became high-value targets themselves. In 1943, a submarine sank the SS Stanvac Manila as it was ferrying six PT boats to Noumea, at the South Pacific island of New Caledonia. Modern Naval planners forget that, for small ships, the transit to the World War II battle line was usually an awkward and often grinding mix of travel. Aleutian-bound PT boats, sailing on their own bottoms, needed about twenty days to get from New Orleans to the Panama Canal. After that, they'd be loaded aboard ships for a month-long transit to Seattle, and then, traveling on their own again, they took another month to travel to Adak, Alaska, where they were needed for battle. The strain of the journey took a toll, and, of the first PT Boats in the region, only 75% arrived on time, ready for battle. America's Navy is not ready for this. Put bluntly, the Navy has no plan to manage a long-term closure of the Panama Canal, nor does it have a plan to manage the logistics of getting small ships into the fight. All the tankers, maintainers and escorts needed to support a large-scale autonomous small-ship transit around Cape Horn, are absent. Few heavy lift ships are available to ferry autonomous craft into battle. And nobody in the Navy is anticipating the need to build upwards of 125% of the minimum small ship 'requirement' just to mitigate transit-related losses. The only real solution is to build the smaller craft we will need for a Pacific fight on the West Coast—and prepare to build them at scale. The math works. In the months it would take to get small autonomous ships from East and Gulf Coast shipyards and into a Pacific fight, a modern West Coast shipyard could simply build several of them. Rather than wonder how to manage a three month transit, the Navy must follow Henry Kaiser's example and focus on managing all the new ships a modern West Coast shipyard could build in three months. The Navy may forget, but, in the toughest days of World War II, west coast shipyards could produce a Liberty Ship in ten days. The logistics of pushing autonomous vessels out into the deep Pacific is tough. Helping deter China from preying on Taiwan, the Philippines and beyond is even harder. If the Navy fails to move quickly and boost ship production capabilities along the West Coast, Pacific security will be tied to the operational status of the Panama Canal--and that is simply no longer an acceptable Navy strategy.

Epoch Times
an hour ago
- Epoch Times
Chinese Leasing Companies Face Heavy Losses After Planes Detained in Russia
Since the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war in 2022, Chinese aircraft leasing companies have incurred billions of dollars in losses as more than 70 jets leased to Russian airlines remain stranded inside Russia, according to Chinese state media. A wave of legal developments was set off by a landmark UK High Court ruling in June that favored aircraft lessors. These incidents have reignited concerns about the long-term impact on Chinese lessors and their ability to recoup value from aircraft still trapped in Russia.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Japan marks end of WWII as survivors remember wartime emperor's surrender speech 80 years ago
TOKYO (AP) — Friday is the 80th anniversary of then-Emperor Hirohito's announcement of Japan's World War II surrender, but as living witnesses die and memories fade, questions remain in Japan about how the war should be taught to younger generations. A national ceremony will begin at Tokyo's Budokan hall at noon, the same time then-Emperor Hirohito's 4½-minute prerecorded speech began on Aug. 15, 1945, on national radio. Hirohito's responsibility for the war remains controversial today, and Japan has struggled to come to terms with its wartime past, both at home and in the Asian countries it brutally invaded. In 1995, then-Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama apologized over Japan's aggression in Asia. It was welcomed abroad but there has since been continual pushback against it by revisionists and those who deny responsibility. Here's a look at the speech and the memories of some of the people who heard the announcement. Japan's military saw violence, suicides and chaos right up until the official surrender Even after the atomic attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there was dispute within the military government over if or how the war should be ended. The day before the announcement, Hirohito, dressed in a formal military uniform, met with top government officials in a bunker at the Imperial Palace to approve Japan's surrender. Staff members for NHK, the national broadcaster, were secretly called in, and Hirohito recorded the speech twice, finishing late that night. Palace officials hid the recordings to protect them from sabotage attempts by a group of army officers, who at one point seized the broadcast facility. Despite the chaos, palace officials safely delivered the recordings to NHK for radio transmission at noon on Aug. 15, 1945. Up until the moment of the surrender announcement, there were suicides, coup attempts and fighting among army officers. The action-filled drama of the days before Hirohito's radio address was made into a film, 'Japan's Longest Day,' as well as a graphic novel. Hirohito's voice, which most Japanese were hearing for the first time because he was considered a living god, was not easy to understand because of poor sound quality and the arcane language he used. The message was clear, though: Japan had lost the war. Fumiko Doi heard the emperor's address at home in Nagasaki just 6 days after surviving the atomic bombing She remembers that her neighbors gathered at her home to listen to a radio placed on top of a cabinet. She did not understand what exactly was said, but later learned it was the announcement of Japan's surrender. It was not a surprise, because she had heard her mother say that Japan would lose. 'I only wish the emperor had issued an order to end the war sooner,' Doi says. The Nagasaki bombing and an attack on Hiroshima three days earlier together killed more than 210,000 people and left many survivors with radiation-induced illnesses. On Aug. 9, 1945, at 11:02 a.m., Doi was on a train 5 kilometers (3 miles) away from the location a U.S. B-29 dropped the atomic bomb. Her mother and two of her three brothers died of cancer, and two sisters have struggled with their health. Relief and tears as the emperor's speech reached a hospital filled with wounded Reiko Muto, who survived the massive Tokyo firebombing just five months earlier as a 17-year-old nursing student, was at her hospital on Aug. 15. Everyone gathered in an auditorium for 'an important broadcast.' People cried when the emperor's muffled voice came on the radio. 'The first thing that came to my mind was that now I could leave the lights on at night,' Muto said. 'I was so relieved that the war was over.' The March 10, 1945, U.S. firebombing of Tokyo killed more than 100,000 people. Truckloads of people with serious burns cried in pain and begged for water, but because of a shortage of medical supplies, the best she could do was to comfort them. But the end of the war didn't immediately end the hardship. Her hospital and nursing school were occupied by the allied powers, though she managed to graduate two years later and pursued a career in pediatric nursing. 'What we went through should never be repeated,' she says. For Tamiko Sora, a Hiroshima survivor, the surrender speech is a bittersweet memory Sora, her two sisters and their parents barely survived the atomic bombing on Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945, when the blast destroyed her home just 1.4 kilometers (0.9 mile) from the hypocenter, and Sora's face was burned. Her grandmother suffered severe burns, and her uncle and aunt were never found. While taking shelter at a relatives' home, her parents listened to the radio broadcast, but sound quality was particularly bad in Hiroshima because the atomic bombing destroyed key infrastructure. Her grandmother, who died later that day, sounded disappointed about the announcement, Sora said. Her grandmother's generation venerated the emperor, and his acknowledgment of Japan's defeat must have discouraged her far more than the rest of the family imagined, Sora said. Despite the sadness of her grandmother's death, the surrender speech gave Sora peace of mind. 'War brings horror and intimidation even to little children,' she said. The emperor and prime minister speak on Aug. 15 Hirohito's son and grandson have repeatedly expressed deep remorse over the war, but prime ministers since 2013 have not apologized to Asian victims of Japan's aggression amid a government lean toward revisionism. Hirohito's grandson, current Emperor Naruhito, has repeatedly stressed the importance of telling the war's tragic history to younger generations. He has traveled to Iwo Jima, Okinawa and Hiroshima, and is expected to visit Nagasaki with his daughter, Princess Aiko, in September. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, who has signaled a more neutral view of Japan's wartime history, has said he is determined to keep passing on the tragedy of the war.