Celebrate an Easter in Style at The Ritz-Carlton, Bali
BALI, Indonesia, April 16, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- The Ritz-Carlton, Bali, the premier luxury beachfront destination in Nusa Dua, invites guests to indulge in a sophisticated celebration filled with coastal elegance, gourmet dining, and unforgettable family moments.
Nestled along the pristine shores of Sawangan Beach, The Ritz-Carlton, Bali offers the perfect setting to embrace the joy of the season. From exclusive Easter-themed experiences to exquisite culinary delights, the hotel has curated a holiday getaway designed to delight guests of all ages.
Experience an elegant Easter Brunch, held in our oceanfront restaurant, The Beach Grill. Guests can enjoy a lavish buffet featuring locally sourced seafood and premium meats, spring-inspired dishes, and decadent desserts, accompanied by live music and stunning views.
"Our goal is to create a serene and luxurious Easter experience where families can relax, reconnect, and make memories," said Go Kondo, General Manager of The Ritz-Carlton, Bali. "With our stunning location and thoughtful amenities, we're proud to be the ideal destination for a coastal holiday celebration."
Easter Brunch at The Ritz-Carlton, Bali is available on Easter Day, Sunday 20 April 2025, priced at IDR 900,000++ per person at The Beach Grill. Children aged 3 and under dine for free, and those between 4 and 12 receive 50% off.
To book your Easter stay or learn more about seasonal events, visit http://ritzcarltonbali.com/ or call +62-361-8498988.
About The Ritz-Carlton, Bali
Built on a sprawling 12.7 hectares white beach front and elevated cliff top settings, The Ritz-Carlton, Bali feature 313 oceanfront suites and villas, enjoying the unobstructed view of the Indian Ocean and the resort's lush garden. Completing the experiences, a glass elevator connects the cliff and the beach-front, five restaurants and bars, The Ritz-Carlton Ballroom and meeting facilities, a wedding chapel, as well as The Ritz-Carlton Spa. Ladies and gentlemen at The Ritz-Carlton, Bali is proudly presents the timeless charms of Indo-Balinese hospitality.
About The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, LLC
Delivering the Gold Standard in service in coveted destinations around the world, The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, LLC currently operates more than 120 hotels in over 35 countries and territories. From iconic urban destinations to stretches of paradise in untouched corners of the earth, The Ritz-Carlton offers the opportunity for true discovery and transformative escapes that stay with guests long after they depart. Committed to thoughtful innovation, The Ritz-Carlton encompasses two groundbreaking brand extensions, Ritz-Carlton Reserve and The Ritz-Carlton Yacht Collection. Ritz-Carlton Reserve is a collection of rare estates set apart from the world, where personalized care and cultural immersion are paramount. The Ritz-Carlton Yacht Collection translates the brand's legendary service and hospitality for sea, reimagining the ultra-luxury cruising category. For more information or reservations, visit the company website at www.ritzcarlton.com, for the latest company updates, visit news.marriott.com and to join the live conversation, use #RCMemories and follow along on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, L.L.C. is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Marriott International, Inc. (NASDAQ:MAR). The Ritz-Carlton is proud to participate in Marriott Bonvoy®, the global travel program from Marriott International. The program offers members an extraordinary portfolio of global brands, exclusive experiences on Marriott Bonvoy Moments and unparalleled benefits including complimentary nights and Elite status recognition. To enroll for free or for more information about the program, visit marriottbonvoy.com. The Ritz-Carlton is committed to supporting the destinations where it operates through Community Footprints, the company's social and environmental responsibility program.
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Yahoo
15 hours ago
- Yahoo
Corporations are ditching rainbow flags and cutting funding for Pride. LGBT+ people say they won't forget it
Every June, like clockwork, multinational corporations — from banks to fashion houses to petrochemical giants — would suddenly don their Pride-themed logos on social media. Many LGBT+ people found it shallow, and mocked the phenomenon as a cynical exercise in "rainbow-washing". But just a few years since the wash of rainbow feeds, even this skin-deep show of support is conspicuous by its absence. Of the ten major U.S. corporations documented by journalist Hunter Schwarz to have adopted a Pride avatar or banner on Twitter in 2023 — including ExxonMobil, Bank of America, and Freddie Mac — just one, the pharmaceutical giant Pfizer, is still flying its rainbow flag on the social network today. Major League Baseball, Major League Soccer, the National Basketball Association, and the National Hockey League have also abandoned it since 2023. "A lot of people have hesitations around 'rainbow capitalism', and I'm definitely one of those people," Maybe Burke, a 32-year-old gender inclusion consultant in Philadelphia, tells The Independent. "But to not see anything makes you miss when you did, you know?" Multicolor logos aren't the only things disappearing. Pride marches across the nation have lost corporate sponsorships, from big city extravaganzas to small town celebrations. New York City's Pride organizers reportedly lost roughly one quarter of their corporate donors this year; Kansas City Pride lost half its annual budget; even San Francisco Pride was down $200,000. Some ties, such as that of Budweiser brewer Anheuser-Busch to St Louis PrideFest, were decades old. LGBT+ non-profits have also reported severe drops in their funding. The newsletter Popular Information found 19 examples of companies that appeared to have scaled back their support for Pride, including Dyson, Nivea, UPS, Mastercard, and Citi. The hardware chain Lowe's reportedly also backed out of a regular Human Rights Campaign survey and shut down an LGBT+ employee resource group. Another report by NBC News named Nissan, Comcast, and drinks maker Diegeo. "The scale of the retreat in the U.S. is dramatic and telling," Fabrice Houdart, executive director of the Association of LGBTQ+ Corporate Directors, tells The Independent. "We're not witnessing a mere dialing down — we're witnessing withdrawal, with a few exceptions... the exuberant displays of support we saw five years ago have been replaced by passivity, silence, or strategic invisibility." Burke, who earns much of her living training organizations to be more welcoming to trans and non-binary people, noticed conditions beginning to change after the Trump administration's flurry of executive orders targeting DEI programs — one of which threatened to investigate companies, non-profits, universities, and other institutions that maintain them. "No new inquiries were coming in, and people I had been planning and talking with for months were ghosting me," Burke says. "June has always been my busiest month of the year. June has funded the rest of my summer. In recent years I've had at least two gigs a week in June with different clients; as of right now, I have two gigs for the entire month.' One client, she adds, told her straight up that the company's legal department had intervened and warned that hiring her for a gig might violate Trump's decrees. That's just one symptom of the sudden chill that has descended over corporate America about openly standing up for LGBT+ rights. Some companies pulled back earlier, as a new anti-LGBT+ hate movement gathered steam between 2021 and 2024. But the presence of an openly authoritarian president in the White House, backed by a movement seemingly hellbent on driving queer people back underground, has drastically raised the stakes. "Companies are afraid of backlash, boycotts, and being 'called out' by the administration. But the real issue is that many never developed the courage of their convictions," says Houdart from the Association of LGBTQ+ Corporate Directors. "We're seeing the unraveling of conditional support: the second Pride stopped being universally popular or profitable, many brands quietly exited." Ron deHarte, co-president of the Pride organizers' association USA Prides, says there has indeed been a "noticeable decline" in national-level brand sponsorships, especially in the biggest advertising markets (mostly large cities such as New York and Los Angeles). Yet he stresses that there are other factors at play too. "The broader economic climate", he argues, especially "uncertainty around tariffs", is making companies reticent about spending on events and marketing across the board. Whatever the cause, the lost money will have an impact. Sponsorship money, deHarte explains, is "crucial not only for the flashy decorations and entertainment but also for essential aspects like security, insurance, porta-jons, and maintaining free entry for many events." At least smaller Pride events, which is most of them, will be less impacted on average, because they "traditionally rely more on community fundraising and local business support". Of the nine companies that ditched their Twitter drag since 2023, ExxonMobil, McKesson, Cencora, Cardinal health, Centene, Bank of America, Freddie Mac, and UPS, all either did not respond or declined to comment to The Independent. Citi did respond, though it declined to answer our specific questions. A spokesperson said the company's LGBT+ employee group is 'excited about sponsoring a range of Pride celebrations' worldwide, and will be marching with the LGBT+ elders' charity SAGE in New York City. To be fair, few companies seem to have completely cut all support, instead either scaling down their commitments or simply undertaking them more quietly. Yet that still sends a bitter message to a community that has spent decades fighting not to have to live in hiding. There is, after all, a reason that nobody dubs it LGBT+ Sensible Modesty Month. "In the short term, it's unpleasant. It reinforces the sense that LGBTQ+ dignity is still negotiable and that we never really accumulated any political or economic power," says Houdart. There will, he argues, be lasting damage to companies' reputation: "Many queer people will not forget who stood up and who disappeared." Yet in the long term, deHarte and Houdart are both hopeful that good things will come of this. To deHarte, it's an opportunity for the movement to diversify its funding and prioritize sponsors who demonstrate a real, year-round commitment to LGBT+ equality all year round "It could be a pivotal moment — a forced reckoning,' says Houdart. 'We have been too dependent on institutional validation from parties, governments, and corporations that never honestly shared our long-term vision. "This is a wake-up call to reclaim our power and stop renting our liberation from others... it's a painful moment, but it's also clarifying. Our future depends on solidarity and organizing, not sponsorship."


Atlantic
19 hours ago
- Atlantic
Where Is Barack Obama?
Last month, while Donald Trump was in the Middle East being gifted a $400 million luxury jet from Qatar, Barack Obama headed off on his own foreign excursion: a trip to Norway, in a much smaller and more tasteful jet, to visit the summer estate of his old friend King Harald V. Together, they would savor the genteel glories of Bygdøyveien in May. They chewed over global affairs and the freshest local salmon, which had been smoked on the premises and seasoned with herbs from the royal garden. Trump has begun his second term with a continuous spree of democracy-shaking, economy-quaking, norm-obliterating action. And Obama, true to form, has remained carefully above it all. He picks his spots, which seldom involve Trump. In March, he celebrated the anniversary of the Affordable Care Act and posted his annual NCAA basketball brackets. In April, he sent out an Easter message and mourned the death of the pope. In May, he welcomed His Holiness Pope Leo XIV ('a fellow Chicagoan') and sent prayers to Joe Biden following his prostate-cancer diagnosis. No matter how brazen Trump becomes, the most effective communicator in the Democratic Party continues to opt for minimal communication. His 'audacity of hope' presidency has given way to the fierce lethargy of semi-retirement. Obama occasionally dips into politics with brief and unmemorable statements, or sporadic fundraising emails (subject: 'Barack Obama wants to meet you. Yes you.'). He praised his law-school alma mater, Harvard, for 'rejecting an unlawful and ham-handed attempt' by the White House 'to stifle academic freedom.' He criticized a Republican bill that would threaten health care for millions. He touted a liberal judge who was running for a crucial seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court. When called upon, he can still deliver a top-notch campaign spiel, donor pitch, convention speech, or eulogy. Beyond that, Obama pops in with summer and year-end book, music, and film recommendations. He recently highlighted a few articles about AI and retweeted a promotional spot for Air Force Elite: Thunderbirds, a new Netflix documentary from his and Michelle's production company. (Michelle also has a fashion book coming out later this year: 'a celebration of confidence, identity, and authenticity,' she calls it.) Apparently, Barack is a devoted listener of The Ringer 's Bill Simmons Podcast, or so he told Jimmy Kimmel over dinner. In normal times, no one would deny Obama these diversions. He performed the world's most stressful job for eight years, served his country, made his history, and deserved to kick back and do the usual ex-president things: start a foundation, build a library, make unspeakable amounts of money. But the inevitable Trump-era counterpoint is that these are not normal times. And Obama's detachment feels jarringly incongruous with the desperation of his longtime admirers—even more so given Trump's assaults on what Obama achieved in office. It would be one thing if Obama had disappeared after leaving the White House, maybe taking up painting like George W. Bush. The problem is that Obama still very much has a public profile—one that screams comfort and nonchalance at a time when so many other Americans are terrified. 'There are many grandmas and Rachel Maddow viewers who have been more vocal in this moment than Barack Obama has,' Adam Green, a co-founder of the Progressive Change Institute, told me. 'It is heartbreaking,' he added, 'to see him sacrificing that megaphone when nobody else quite has it.' People who have worked with Obama since he left office say that he is extremely judicious about when he weighs in. 'We try to preserve his voice so that when he does speak, it has impact,' Eric Schultz, a close adviser to Obama in his post-presidency, told me. 'There is a dilution factor that we're very aware of.' 'The thing you don't want to do is, you don't want to regularize him,' former Attorney General Eric Holder, a close Obama friend and collaborator, told me. When I asked Holder what he meant by 'regularize,' he explained that there was a danger of turning Obama into just another hack commentator—' Tuesdays With Barack, or something like that,' Holder said. Like many of Obama's confidants, Holder bristles at suggestions that the former president has somehow deserted the Trump opposition. 'Should he do more? Everybody can have their opinions,' Holder said. 'The one thing that always kind of pisses me off is when people say he's not out there, or that he's not doing things, that he's just retired and we never hear from him. If you fucking look, folks, you would see that he's out there.' From the April 2016 issue: The Obama doctrine Obama's aides also say that he is loath to overshadow the next generation of Democratic leaders. They emphasize that he spends a great deal of time speaking privately with candidates and officials who seek his advice. But unfortunately for Democrats, they have not found their next fresh generational sensation since Obama was elected 17 years ago (Joe Biden obviously doesn't count). Until a new leader emerges, Obama could certainly take on a more vocal role without 'regularizing' himself in the lowlands of Trump-era politics. Obama remains the most popular Democrat alive at a time of historic unpopularity for his party. Unlike Biden, he appears not to have lost a step, or three. Unlike with Bill Clinton, his voice remains strong and his baggage minimal. Unlike both Biden and Clinton, he is relatively young and has a large constituency of Americans who still want to hear from him, including Black Americans, young voters, and other longtime Democratic blocs that gravitated toward Trump in November. 'Should Obama get out and do more? Yes, please,' Tracy Sefl, a Democratic media consultant in Chicago, told me. 'Help us,' she added. 'We're sinking over here.' Obama's conspicuous scarcity while Trump inflicts such damage isn't just a bad look. It's a dereliction of the message that he built his career on. When Obama first ran for president in 2008, his former life as a community organizer was central to his message. His campaign was not merely for him, but for civic action itself—the idea of Americans being invested in their own change. Throughout his time in the White House, he emphasized that 'citizen' was his most important title. After he left office in 2017, Obama said that he would work to inspire and develop the next cohort of leaders, which is essentially the mission of his foundation. It would seem a contradiction for him to say that he's devoting much of his post-presidency to promoting civic engagement when he himself seems so disengaged. To some degree, patience with Obama began wearing thin when he was still in office. His approval ratings sagged partway through his second term (before rebounding at the end). The rollout of the Affordable Care Act in 2013 was a fiasco, and the midterm elections of 2014 were a massacre. Obama looked powerless as Republicans in Congress ensured that he would pass no major legislation in his second term and blocked his nomination of Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. 'Obama, out,' the president said in the denouement of his last comedy routine at the White House Correspondents' Dinner, in 2016. In Obama lore, this mic-drop moment would instantly become famous—and prophetic. After Trump's first victory, Obama tried to reassure supporters that this was merely a setback. 'I don't believe in apocalyptic—until the apocalypse comes,' he said in an interview with The New Yorker. Insofar as Obama talked about how he imagined his post-presidency, he was inclined to disengage from day-to-day politics. At a press conference in November 2016, Obama said that he planned to 'take Michelle on vacation, get some rest, spend time with my girls, and do some writing, do some thinking.' He promised to give Trump the chance to do his job 'without somebody popping off in every instance.' But in that same press conference, he also allowed that if something arose that raised 'core questions about our values and our ideals, and if I think that it's necessary or helpful for me to defend those ideals, then I'll examine it when it comes.' That happened almost immediately. A few days after vowing in his inaugural address to end the 'American carnage' that he was inheriting, Trump signed an executive order banning foreign nationals from seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the United States for 90 days. The so-called Muslim travel ban would quickly be blocked by the courts, but not before sowing chaos at U.S. points of entry. Obama put out a brief statement through a spokesperson ('the president fundamentally disagrees with the notion of discriminating against individuals because of their faith or religion'), and went on vacation. Trump's early onslaught made clear that Obama's ex-presidency would prove far more complicated than previous ones. And Obama's taste for glamorous settings and famous company—Richard Branson, David Geffen, George Clooney—made for a grating contrast with the turmoil back home. 'Just tone it down with the kitesurfing pictures,' John Oliver, the host of HBO's Last Week Tonight, said of Obama in an interview with Seth Meyers less than a month after the president left office. 'America is on fire,' Oliver added. 'I know that people accused him of being out of touch with the American people during his presidency. I'm not sure he's ever been more out of touch than he is now.' Oliver's spasm foreshadowed a rolling annoyance that continued as Trump's presidency wore on: that Obama was squandering his power and influence. 'Oh, Obama is still tweeting good tweets. That's very nice of him,' the anti-Trump writer Drew Magary wrote in a Medium column titled 'Where the Hell Is Barack Obama?' in the early days of the coronavirus pandemic. 'I'm sick of Obama staying above the fray while that fray is swallowing us whole.' Obama did insert himself in the 2024 election, reportedly taking an aggressive behind-the-scenes role last summer in trying to nudge Biden out of the race. He delivered a showstopper speech at the Democratic National Convention and campaigned several times for Kamala Harris in the fall. But among longtime Obama admirers I've spoken with, frustration with the former president has built since Trump returned to office. While campaigning for Harris last year, Obama framed the stakes of the election in terms of a looming catastrophe. 'These aren't ordinary times, and these are not ordinary elections,' he said at a campaign stop in Pittsburgh. Yet now that the impact is unfolding in the most pernicious ways, Obama seems to be resuming his ordinary chill and same old bits. Green, of the Progressive Change Institute, told me that when Obama put out his March Madness picks this year, he texted Schultz, the Obama adviser. 'Have I missed him speaking up in other places recently?' Green asked him. 'He did not respond to that.' (Schultz confirmed to me that he ignored the message but vowed to be 'more responsive to Adam Green's texts in the future.') Being a former president is inherently tricky: The role is ill-defined, and peripheral by definition. Part of the trickiness is how an ex-president can remain relevant, if he wants to. This is especially so given the current president. 'I don't know that anybody is relevant in the Trump era,' Mark Updegrove, a presidential historian and head of the LBJ Foundation, told me. Updegrove, who wrote a book called Second Acts: Presidential Lives and Legacies After the White House, said that Trump has succeeded in creating a reality in which every president who came before is suspect. 'All the standard rules of being an ex-president are no longer applicable,' he said. Still, Obama never presented himself as a 'standard rules' leader. This was the idea that his political rise was predicated on—that change required bold, against-the-grain thinking and uncomfortable action. Clearly, Obama still views himself this way, or at least still wants to be perceived this way. (A few years ago, he hosted a podcast with Bruce Springsteen called Renegades.) From the July 1973 issue: The last days of the president Stepping into the current political melee would not be an easy or comfortable role for Obama. He represents a figure of the past, which seems more and more like the ancient past as the Trump era crushes on. He is a notably long-view guy, who has spent a great deal of time composing a meticulous account of his own narrative. 'We're part of a long-running story,' Obama said in 2014. 'We just try to get our paragraph right.' Or thousands of paragraphs, in his case: The first installment of Obama's presidential memoir, A Promised Land, covered 768 pages and 29 hours of audio. No release date has been set for the second volume. But this might be one of those times for Obama to take a break from the long arc of the moral universe and tend to the immediate crisis. Several Democrats I've spoken with said they wish that Obama would stop worrying so much about the 'dilution factor.' While Democrats struggle to find their next phenom, Obama could be their interim boss. He could engage regularly, pointing out Trump's latest abuses. He did so earlier this spring, during an onstage conversation at Hamilton College. He was thoughtful, funny, and sounded genuinely aghast, even angry. He could do these public dialogues much more often, and even make them thematic. Focus on Trump's serial violations of the Constitution one week (recall that Obama once taught constitutional law), the latest instance of Trump's naked corruption the next. Blast out the most scathing lines on social media. Yes, it might trigger Trump, and create more attention than Obama evidently wants. But Trump has shown that ubiquity can be a superpower, just as Biden showed that obscurity can be ruinous. People would notice. Democrats love nothing more than to hold up Obama as their monument to Republican bad faith. Can you imagine if Obama did this? some Democrat will inevitably say whenever Trump does something tacky, cruel, or blatantly unethical (usually before breakfast). Obama could lean into this hypocrisy—tape recurring five-minute video clips highlighting Trump's latest scurrilous act and title the series 'Can You Imagine If I Did This?' Or another idea—an admittedly far-fetched one. Trump has decreed that a massive military parade be held through the streets of Washington on June 14. This will ostensibly celebrate the Army's 250th anniversary, but it also happens to fall on Trump's 79th birthday. The parade will cost an estimated $45 million, including $16 million in damage to the streets. (Can you imagine if Obama did this?) The spectacle cries out for counterprogramming. Obama could hold his own event, in Washington or somewhere nearby. It would get tons of attention and drive Trump crazy, especially if it draws a bigger crowd. Better yet, make it a parade, or 'citizen's march,' something that builds momentum as it goes, the former president and community organizer leading on foot. This would be the renegade move. Few things would fire up Democrats like a head-to-head matchup between Trump and Obama. If nothing else, it would be fun to contemplate while Democrats keep casting about for their long-delayed future. 'The party needs new rising stars, and they need the room to figure out how to meet this moment, just like Obama figured out how to meet the moment 20 years ago,' Jon Favreau, a co-host of Pod Save America and former director of speechwriting for the 44th president, told me. 'Unless, of course, Trump tries to run for a third term, in which case I'll be begging Obama to come out of retirement.'

2 days ago
Prince Harry and Meghan Markle take kids to Disneyland for Lilibet's birthday
Prince Harry and Meghan Markle brought a little royal sparkle to the Happiest Place on Earth this week, treating their children Prince Archie, 6, and Princess Lilibet, 4, to a magical Disneyland getaway in celebration of Lilibet's birthday. "Thank you @disneyland for giving our family two days of pure joy!" Meghan, 43, captioned an Instagram Reel on Friday, sharing glimpses of the family's park adventures. Set to Peggy Lee's "It's a Good Day," the montage opened with a sweet moment of Lilibet holding her mom's hand as they walked into the park. Highlights included classic rides like Dumbo the Flying Elephant, King Arthur Carrousel, Buzz Lightyear's Astro Blasters, among others. The birthday girl also got a Little Mermaid-themed cake that read "Happy Birthday Lili." The Sussexes made time for galactic thrills, too, visiting Star Wars: Galaxy's Edge and riding Rise of the Resistance. Meghan, who recently returned to Instagram after a years-long hiatus, has been sharing more personal glimpses into her family life. On June 4, she posted a throwback clip of herself and Harry dancing during her pregnancy with Lilibet, writing: "Four years ago today, this also happened." She added, "When spicy food, all that walking, and acupuncture didn't work -- there was only one thing left to do!"