Tunisian national shot dead by neighbour in France
A Tunisian national has been shot dead by his neighbour in southern France, a prosecutor says, adding the incident is being investigated as a racially-motivated crime.
The victim, who was said to be "possibly 35", but has not been officially identified, was killed in the town of Puget-sur-Argens on Saturday night A 25-year-old Turkish national was also shot in the hand by the man and taken to hospital.
The shooting comes one month after the fatal stabbing of Aboubakar Cisse, a 22-year-old man from Mali, in a mosque in the southern town of La Grand-Combe, amid rising racism in France.
Last year French police recorded an 11 per cent rise in racist, xenophobic or anti-religious crimes, according to official data published in March.
In a statement, the prosecutor said the suspect was a 53-year-old who practises sports shooting.
He had published hateful and racist content on his social media account before and after killing his neighbour, the prosecutor added.
France has the largest Muslim population in Europe, numbering more than six million and making up about 10 per cent of its population.
Politicians across the political spectrum, including President Emmanuel Macron, have attacked what they describe as Islamist separatism in a way that rights groups have said stigmatises Muslims and amounts to discrimination.
A Tunisian national has been shot dead by his neighbour in southern France, a prosecutor says, adding the incident is being investigated as a racially-motivated crime.
The victim, who was said to be "possibly 35", but has not been officially identified, was killed in the town of Puget-sur-Argens on Saturday night A 25-year-old Turkish national was also shot in the hand by the man and taken to hospital.
The shooting comes one month after the fatal stabbing of Aboubakar Cisse, a 22-year-old man from Mali, in a mosque in the southern town of La Grand-Combe, amid rising racism in France.
Last year French police recorded an 11 per cent rise in racist, xenophobic or anti-religious crimes, according to official data published in March.
In a statement, the prosecutor said the suspect was a 53-year-old who practises sports shooting.
He had published hateful and racist content on his social media account before and after killing his neighbour, the prosecutor added.
France has the largest Muslim population in Europe, numbering more than six million and making up about 10 per cent of its population.
Politicians across the political spectrum, including President Emmanuel Macron, have attacked what they describe as Islamist separatism in a way that rights groups have said stigmatises Muslims and amounts to discrimination.
A Tunisian national has been shot dead by his neighbour in southern France, a prosecutor says, adding the incident is being investigated as a racially-motivated crime.
The victim, who was said to be "possibly 35", but has not been officially identified, was killed in the town of Puget-sur-Argens on Saturday night A 25-year-old Turkish national was also shot in the hand by the man and taken to hospital.
The shooting comes one month after the fatal stabbing of Aboubakar Cisse, a 22-year-old man from Mali, in a mosque in the southern town of La Grand-Combe, amid rising racism in France.
Last year French police recorded an 11 per cent rise in racist, xenophobic or anti-religious crimes, according to official data published in March.
In a statement, the prosecutor said the suspect was a 53-year-old who practises sports shooting.
He had published hateful and racist content on his social media account before and after killing his neighbour, the prosecutor added.
France has the largest Muslim population in Europe, numbering more than six million and making up about 10 per cent of its population.
Politicians across the political spectrum, including President Emmanuel Macron, have attacked what they describe as Islamist separatism in a way that rights groups have said stigmatises Muslims and amounts to discrimination.
A Tunisian national has been shot dead by his neighbour in southern France, a prosecutor says, adding the incident is being investigated as a racially-motivated crime.
The victim, who was said to be "possibly 35", but has not been officially identified, was killed in the town of Puget-sur-Argens on Saturday night A 25-year-old Turkish national was also shot in the hand by the man and taken to hospital.
The shooting comes one month after the fatal stabbing of Aboubakar Cisse, a 22-year-old man from Mali, in a mosque in the southern town of La Grand-Combe, amid rising racism in France.
Last year French police recorded an 11 per cent rise in racist, xenophobic or anti-religious crimes, according to official data published in March.
In a statement, the prosecutor said the suspect was a 53-year-old who practises sports shooting.
He had published hateful and racist content on his social media account before and after killing his neighbour, the prosecutor added.
France has the largest Muslim population in Europe, numbering more than six million and making up about 10 per cent of its population.
Politicians across the political spectrum, including President Emmanuel Macron, have attacked what they describe as Islamist separatism in a way that rights groups have said stigmatises Muslims and amounts to discrimination.
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AU Financial Review
2 hours ago
- AU Financial Review
Recognising Palestine will ‘reward Hamas' and torpedo peace
After one of its worst security disasters, Israel has restored military deterrence over the multiple Islamist enemies who vow to wipe it and its 7 million Jewish inhabitants off the planet. And not just against the Hamas terrorists who committed the most murderous pogrom of Jews since the Holocaust and who still hold alive 20 or so of the 251 hostages taken captive near southern Israel's border with Gaza on October 7, 2023.
The Advertiser
6 hours ago
- The Advertiser
A two-state solution is gaining momentum again. Does it have a chance of success?
As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again. As Israel's devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be "dead". Now, it is showing signs of life again. French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a "political necessity". Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a "way of building momentum towards a two-state solution". During Macron's visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state. Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don't currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don't recognise a Palestinian state. The UN conference on June 17-20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go "beyond reaffirming principles" and "achieve concrete results" towards a two-state solution. Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years. So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success? Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s. In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day. The Trump administration's decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution. The Hamas attacks on Israel - and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza - have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate. On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas' actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage. On the other, it's also become clear the status quo - the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war - is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights. And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers. Once-steadfast supporters of Israel's actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition. For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will - both globally and in the Middle East - towards a two-state solution. But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks. First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It's obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire. Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue. The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state. Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power. However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah - the party leading the Palestinian National Authority - is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21 per cent. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership. There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page. This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades. These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it's been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022. Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as "national value" and actively encouraging its "establishment and consolidation". The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become. Then there's the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40 per cent of Palestinians support it, while only 26 per cent of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can "coexist peacefully" alongside Israel. However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations. A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union. In other words, we won't know what's possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made. It's not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again.
7NEWS
11 hours ago
- 7NEWS
Bali Bomber Umar Patek causes outrage after starting coffee business, using deadly attacks to promote venture
The terrorist responsible for making the bombs that killed more than 200 people — including 88 Aussies — in Bali is using his role in the deadly attack to market his new business. Umar Patek was convicted of creating the car bomb that exploded outside two busy Kuta nightclubs in 2002 and was one of the world's most wanted men after going on the run for nine years after the incident. He served only 11 years of his 20-year jail sentence, and just three years after his release, he is causing outrage again. Patek has launched a new coffee business, claiming he is now 'brewing peace'. The business, Coffee RAMU 1966 by Umar Patek, is located in Surabaya, the capital of East Java. The name RAMU is a reversal of his name Umar. 'Once, I concocted bombs, and now I concoct coffee,' Patek told the South China Morning Post. Patek said he wanted to start a new life and the only option for him was to launch his own business because 'no one wanted to hire a convicted criminal'. 'Before, I was known for something that hurt the world,' he said. 'Now I have chosen a different path. 'Before, bitterness used to destroy, now (the) bitterness (of coffee) heals.' A restaurant in the region, Hedon Estate, has helped Patek to launch the business. 'I thought it was so humanitarian of them to help me, particularly as the owner of the cafe is not Muslim. I hope that my new business will be a success and I will be able to be independent again,' he said. His new career path and disgraceful marketing tactic has left families of the Bali Bombing victims' outraged. WA's Peter Hughes, who survived the bombings, said it was 'disgusting' that Patek was still held in high regard in Indonesia. 'It doesn't surprise me. We will not be held silent to this low life human,' he said. Mr Hughes said the sentences handed down to Patek and all those behind the bombings were 'disgraceful.' 'Even though it's over 20 years, there's still people suffering in silence. As far as the terrorists go, they can go to hell,' he said. Patek was also convicted in connection with the 2000 Christmas Eve bombings which took place in Jakarta and eight other Indonesian cities and claimed 18 lives. After the Bali bombings, he hid out in Pakistan and the Philippines before being detained in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in 2011 and extradited to Indonesia. He told the publication he had apologised to the victims many times, both publicly and privately. 'If I apologise, people say that I am pretending and being strategic,' he said. 'If I don't apologise people will say I am arrogant and don't care. So everything is always wrong.' Sandra Thompson, the mother of 29-year-old Australian rugby player Clint who died in the attack, said Patek has never paid for the atrocity. 'Has this man repented? Does he still think what he did was morally right? Or has he just served a sentence then moved on?' she queried. 'Two hundred and two lives plus an unborn baby and survivors still living with the effects of their injuries. Has he paid for that? Never, if he has no remorse. 'I thought I had forgiven, then another one is allowed to live a normal life. A life he took from all those families. My life has never been the same.'
