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First Chief Program Officer appointed for Choose How You Move

First Chief Program Officer appointed for Choose How You Move

Yahoo19-04-2025
NASHVILLE, Tenn. (WKRN) — Nashville's Choose How You Move transportation program has its first-ever Chief Program Officer.
On Friday, Nashville Mayor Freddie O'Connell announced that Sabrina Sussman had been appointed to oversee the implementation of the program. She was featured at the mayor's media roundtable Friday, telling reporters she thought the stars aligned when it came to her appointment in Nashville.
Tennessee appeals court rules in favor of Metro in transit plan lawsuit
'In this moment, Nashville's decision to fund transformative change sets an example for communities across the country,' Sussman said Friday. 'Eyes are on this team and I couldn't be more excited to be here and to lead it.'
In addition to what the Nashville Mayor's Office called 'leading edge' work on transportation policy for nearly two decades, Sussman has experience working with several city governments as well as the federal government. Sussman spent two years with the U.S. Department of Transportation, serving as Chief of Staff for Deputy Secretary Polly Trottenberg and Senior Advisor to Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg.
'Sabrina has all the experience necessary to help us successfully implement one of the largest capital programs in Nashville history,' O'Connell said in a press release. 'I am excited to work with her to deliver the change Nashvillians seek.'
Ashley Northington, Clay Haynes, Gary Moore, Gracie Sloan, Jennifer Carlat, Joseph Gutierrez, Rashed Fakhruddin, Walter Searcy and Zach Young were also appointed to the Choose How You Move Advisory Committee on Transportation. They will join the five members previously selected by Metro Council and Nashville's Vice Mayor Angie Henderson on the 15-member body.

'This is an exceptional moment in Nashville's history. In an era of division, Nashvillians transcended that to overwhelmingly support a better transportation future for each of us,' Sussman said. 'I feel a tremendous amount of responsibility to help bring that future to reality, and I appreciate the chance to work with the talented local leadership team already in place.'
Sussman will begin work early this summer.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Minnesota hasn't elected a GOP governor in almost 20 years. Can Republicans finally break the streak?
Minnesota hasn't elected a GOP governor in almost 20 years. Can Republicans finally break the streak?

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Yahoo

Minnesota hasn't elected a GOP governor in almost 20 years. Can Republicans finally break the streak?

Aug. 8—By Ryan Faircloth, Star Tribune (TNS) Minnesota Republicans think they could have their best shot in years to take back the governorship if Tim Walz attempts a risky third run for office next fall. But it's unclear if conservatives in the state will be ready to capitalize on the opportunity. The party, which hasn't won any statewide office since 2006, is low on cash and struggling to gain ground in the metro. Top leaders are still battling an activist base that has made it difficult for candidates with broad appeal to win the nomination. So far, few Republicans have stepped forward to run. "We need additional people to jump into the race," said Amy Koch, a Republican operative and former Minnesota Senate majority leader. "Folks have to get in, they have to be able to raise money." With 15 months until Election Day, the GOP field for governor is thin and largely familiar, a symptom of the party's broader challenges. Top-tier prospects such as U.S. Reps. Tom Emmer and Pete Stauber ruled out running for governor earlier this year, choosing to stay in their safe seats during a midterm election that could be difficult for their party. The most prominent Republicans in the race are Scott Jensen and Kendall Qualls. Jensen is a Chaska physician who lost to Walz by more than 7 percentage points in 2022. Qualls, a businessman, lost the GOP endorsement to Jensen that same year. Former U.S. Naval intelligence officer Phillip Parrish and retired mixed martial arts fighter Brad Kohler are also running. Other Republicans who could bring a fresh name to the top of the ticket are still mulling whether to run, including Minnesota House Speaker Lisa Demuth, state Reps. Kristin Robbins and Jim Nash, and Minneapolis attorney Chris Madel. "Republicans have a great opportunity," said Preya Samsundar, a GOP operative in Minnesota. "But ... you're going to need a candidate who's not dogged by past baggage." Walz will face intense scrutiny if he runs for a historic third consecutive term, with a long record for Republicans to attack. A June poll by the Minnesota Star Tribune found at least 6 in 10 registered voters outside Hennepin and Ramsey counties said they disapproved of Walz's performance, including those in outer-ring suburbs. Republicans think he's also more vulnerable after his failed bid for vice president last fall, which prompted more intense scrutiny of his record as governor and previous service in Congress. Another factor that could play into the race is President Donald Trump, who has attacked Walz as a "terrible governor" and could decide to throw his full support behind a challenger. "If I'm another candidate, I'm reaching out to Trump's people," Koch said. "They do seem to have beef." Republicans will have a good shot if they can find the right candidate and make the 2026 election a referendum on Walz, not Trump, said David Schultz, a political science professor at Hamline University. "If the Republicans can put up a strong viable candidate against Walz, I think he's in for a heck of a race," Schultz said. One issue Republicans have struggled with is their endorsement process, which carries a lot of weight with primary voters. Activists who decide who the party backs often prioritize conservative credentials, seeking candidates who will take hardline stances on issues such as abortion or — since Trump's takeover of the national party — election denialism, even if it hurts them in the general election. Jensen, who last won the GOP nomination, has previously said he felt pressured by party activists on the issue of abortion during the 2022 campaign. Democrats hammered Jensen that year for saying he would try to ban abortion if elected. In a recent interview, Jensen said his second bid for governor won't be "confined by partisan rhetoric." He said he now considers abortion to be "settled law" in Minnesota, and that he would not endorse a party platform that opposes gay marriage. Jensen's shift toward the middle has already put him at odds with right-wing activists, raising questions of whether he can win the endorsement again. Erik Mortensen, president of the right-wing group Action 4 Liberty, recently criticized Jensen on social media for his stances on abortion and background checks for gun purchases. "This is the problem with MN 'Republicans'. Their brand means absolutely nothing and is indistinguishable from the Democrat platform," Mortensen said. Robbins could face similar pushback from the party's right flank if she jumps into the governor's race. The Maple Grove Republican, who chairs the House Fraud Prevention and State Agency Oversight Committee, served as Minnesota chair of Nikki Haley's 2024 presidential campaign. "I think they might view her with some suspicion," Schultz said of GOP activists loyal to Trump. Qualls, who came just short of winning the endorsement in 2022, said he still has strong support among activists, including some who previously supported Jensen. "Many of them don't want to see that movie again," Qualls said, in a dig at Jensen's second campaign. He believes his background as a businessman and Army veteran will appeal to a broad swath of voters. If elected, he would be Minnesota's first Black governor. Qualls said he has twice as many campaign volunteers this time around and is exceeding previous fundraising numbers, though he wouldn't specify how much he's raised. His core message, he said, will center on lowering the cost of living, reducing crime and improving the education system. Qualls said he wants Minneapolis to feel safe again and would seek to hire and deploy more state-level law enforcement to the city. But name recognition will be a challenge for Qualls, who isn't well-known outside party circles. His fundraising ability is also a question mark. Republicans will face a prolific fundraiser in Walz if he runs for re-election. His campaign had $1 million in the bank at the end of last year. In an interview last month, Walz predicted he will win if he runs again and warned potential challengers they would face the "best fundraiser that ever sat in this office." The governor told reporters recently that he's likely to announce his re-election plans shortly after the Minnesota State Fair. Whoever emerges as the GOP frontrunner will need to be a strong fundraiser themselves, because they likely won't be able to depend on the state Republican Party for substantial support. The Republican Party of Minnesota had just over $59,000 in its federal bank account at the end of June, according to its most recent campaign finance report. The Minnesota DFL had more than $2.7 million. The DFL had another $2.2 million in its state campaign account at the end of last year. The Minnesota GOP ended last year with about $2,100 in its state account. Koch said the ideal GOP candidate for governor would have a little bit of everything: Good name recognition, minimal baggage, fundraising prowess and broad appeal. She believes Demuth, the state House speaker, could be the candidate who fits that bill. "I would think that Demuth would jump to the front of the field for the potential to win," Koch said.

The state sets lofty goals in the name of a brighter future. What's a vision and what's a hallucination?
The state sets lofty goals in the name of a brighter future. What's a vision and what's a hallucination?

Los Angeles Times

time2 days ago

  • Los Angeles Times

The state sets lofty goals in the name of a brighter future. What's a vision and what's a hallucination?

In April of 2006, I watched a posse of politicians gather at Skid Row's Midnight Mission to introduce, with great fanfare and unbridled confidence, a 10-year plan to end homelessness in Los Angeles. That didn't work out so well. Twelve years later, in his 2018 State of the City address, Mayor Eric Garcetti made a full-throated vow to quit fooling around and get the job done. 'We are here to end homelessness,' he said. Mission not accomplished. We have a habit of setting lofty goals and making grand promises in Los Angeles and in California. That's not necessarily a bad thing. Better to have politicians and experts who study the pressing issues of the day and go out on a limb rather than shrug their shoulders. 'It's hard to do anything if you don't have a vision,' said Jessica Bremner, a Cal State L.A. urban geography professor. Transit, housing and infrastructure needs won't materialize without that vision, she added. 'Nothing will move.' Agreed. And all of us, not just politicians, want to believe there's a better version of our community — a brighter future. But there is a big difference between a vision and a hallucination, and we've had some of both in recent years. Here's a sampling: In 2022, California set a goal of eliminating the sale of gas-powered vehicles after 2035 — which would dramatically reduce greenhouse emissions — and reaching carbon neutrality by 2045. After the 1994 Northridge earthquake, the state did more than set a goal. It passed a law requiring hospitals to upgrade seismic safety by 2030. Los Angeles, under Garcetti, championed Vision Zero in 2015. The goal? Eliminate traffic deaths by 2025. Not reduce, but eliminate. In 2020, the city embraced SmartLA 2028, a plan to reduce reliance on fossil fuels and gas-powered vehicles and build 'a data-driven connected city, which addresses the digital divide and brings fresh ideas, including tele-health, clean tech and a switch to mass transit.' In 2021, the California Master Plan for Aging set 'five bold goals' to increase affordable housing and improve health, caregiving and economic security for older adults and those with disabilities by 2030. In anticipation of L.A.'s hosting of the 2028 Summer Olympics and Paralympics, Metro introduced its 'Twenty-eight by '28' initiative in 2018, outlining more than two dozen transit objectives. The DTLA 2040 plan, adopted by the city in 2023, would add 70,000 housing units and 55,000 jobs over the next 15 years. So how's it all going? The good news: There's been a lot of progress. The bad news: Where to begin? Surely you'll fall over backward when I tell you that funding shortages, politics, evolving priorities, lack of coordination, haphazard and disjointed planning, and less than stellar leadership have stymied progress on many fronts. On homelessness, thousands have been housed and helped thanks to big initiatives and voter-approved resources. But as an observer once described it, we've been managing rather than solving the crisis and essentially bailing a leaky boat with a teaspoon. And now the agency at the helm is in disarray. On climate change, California deserves a big pat on the back for at least acknowledging the crisis and responding with big ideas. But the Trump administration, which is likely to hold steady up to and beyond the point at which Mar-a-Lago is underwater, has all but declared war on the Golden State's good intentions, eliminating funding for key projects and challenging the state's authority. The U.S. Supreme Court has sided with Trump, Congress and fossil fuel companies in opposing the state's ambitions. Meanwhile, a grim analysis last year, which can't be blamed on Trump, said the state would have to triple the pace of progress to reach its 2030 greenhouse gas reduction target. As for the law requiring seismic upgrades of hospitals by 2030, as of 2023, nearly two-thirds had yet to complete the required improvements and many had asked for amendments and extensions. L.A.'s Vision Zero, meanwhile, which promised the redesign of high-accident locations and multiple other safety upgrades for pedestrians, cyclists and motorists, has been a singular embarrassment. Rather than an elimination of traffic deaths, the number has surged, and an audit released earlier this year serves as an indictment of local leadership. It cited lack of accountability along with 'conflicts of personality, lack of total buy-in for implementation, disagreements over how the program should be administered.' 'Incredibly disappointing,' said Michael Manville, a UCLA professor of urban planning. 'The city remains incredibly dangerous for cyclists and pedestrians.' Manville didn't have very high grades, either, for Metro's 28x28 foray. 'It's a joke at this point,' he said, although even though he noted that some progress is undeniable, citing in particular the expected completion of the Purple Line extension to the Westside in time for the Olympics. But many of the 28 original projects won't make the deadline, and oh, by the way, there's no money at the moment to pay for the promised fleet of 2,700 buses for what Mayor Karen Bass has called the transit-first, 'no-car' Olympics. One morning in June, I stood on Van Nuys Boulevard in Pacoima with L.A. City Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez. She was looking to the north, in the direction of an empty promise. 'This is the home of the future San Fernando Valley Light Rail,' Rodriguez said. 'It was supposed to be one of the 28 by 28, and we're now looking at probably 2031 to 2032 for its completion … in a community that has a majority dependence … on public transit.' We also visited the site of a proposed Sylmar fire station for which there was a groundbreaking ceremony about two decades ago. Rodriguez said with the adjacent hills turning brown as fire season approaches, Sylmar is long overdue for the station, but the city is hobbled by a massive budget deficit. 'Now I've just got to get the money to build it,' Rodriguez said. Sometimes it seems as if the big goals are designed to redirect our attention from the failures of daily governance. Sure, there's a 10-year wait to get your ruptured sidewalk fixed, but flying taxis are in the works for the Olympics. And one convenient feature of long-term goals is that when 2035 or 2045 rolls around, few may remember who made the promises, or even recall what was promised. In Professor Bremner's vision of a rosier L.A. future, there would be more buses and trains on the lines that serve the Cal State L.A. transit station. She told me she talks to her students about the relationship between climate change and the car culture, and then watches them hustle after night classes to catch a bus that runs on 30-minute intervals or a train that rolls in once an hour. As for the other big promises I mentioned, SmartLA 2028 lays out dozens of laudable but perhaps overly ambitious goals — 'Los Angeles residents will experience an improved quality of life by leveraging technology to meet urban challenges. No longer the 'car capital of the world', residents will choose how they wish to get around LA, using a single, digital payment platform, with choices like renovated Metro rail and bus systems or micro transit choices, such as on-demand LANow shuttles or dockless bicycles.' But in the 50-page strategy document, the word 'challenges' is mentioned quite a bit, and I worry that this particular reference could be the kiss of death: 'City of Los Angeles departments have varying funding sources, missions, and directives, which can inhibit unified, citywide Smart City technology initiatives.' It's a little too soon to know whether the DTLA 2040 goals will rank as vision or hallucination, but downtown is the logical place for high-density residential development and construction cranes are already on the job. As for the Master Plan for Aging, there's been progress but also uncertainty about steady funding streams, particularly given current state budget miseries, and there's no guarantee the plan will be prioritized by future governors. 'Goals are critical,' said Mark Gold, director of water scarcity solutions at the Natural Resources Defense Council. 'But they need to be followed up with implementation plans, with budgets, funding mechanisms, milestones and metrics.' Gold recalls Garcetti's promise in 2019 that all of L.A.'s wastewater would be recycled by 2035. 'That is nowhere close,' said Gold, but two other goals might be within reach. One is to have 70% of L.A.'s water locally sourced by 2035, the other is for 80% of county water to be local by 2045, using increased stormwater capture, recycled wastewater, groundwater remediation and conservation. When he ran Heal the Bay, Gold implemented an annual report card for ocean water quality at various beaches. Maybe we ought to use the same system every time a politician takes a bow for introducing a bold, far-reaching goal. Without the measuring stick, Gold said, 'you end up looking back and saying, 'remember when we were going to do this and that and it never happened?' You have to continuously revisit and grade yourself on how you're doing.' While it's true, Manville said, that 'L.A. seems to be better at kicking off grand plans than seeing them through, that's not unique to Los Angeles.' He cited 'Abundance' as one of several recent books making the case that 'lots of cities in blue states can't seem to get out of their own way.' The failures of virtuous Democrats are indeed on full display in California and beyond. But the other side of the aisle is not without its own sins, beginning with cult-like denial of climate change and, speaking of empty promises, undying devotion to a man who said he would end the war in Ukraine before he took office and bring down grocery prices on Day One. Would you rather live in a state crazy enough to still think it can build a bullet train and outlaw carbon, or in one of the many hurricane-battered states crazy enough to think this is a swell time to get rid of FEMA? If you're reaching for the stars, making it to the moon isn't a bad start.

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