
Lebanon's cabinet meets to discuss Hezbollah's arms after US pressure
The session scheduled for 3:00 p.m. (1200 GMT) at Lebanon's presidential palace is the first time that cabinet will discuss the fate of Hezbollah's weapons - unimaginable when the group was at the zenith of its power just two years ago.
Pressure from the US and Hezbollah's domestic rivals for the group to relinquish its arms has spiked following last year's war with Israel, which killed Hezbollah's top leaders and thousands of fighters and destroyed much of its rocket arsenal.
In June, US envoy Thomas Barrack proposed a roadmap to Lebanese officials to fully disarm Hezbollah, in exchange for Israel halting its strikes on Lebanon and withdrawing its troops from five points they still occupy in southern Lebanon.
That proposal included a condition that Lebanon's government pass a cabinet decision clearly pledging to disarm Hezbollah.
After Barrack made several trips to Lebanon to urge progress on the plan, Washington's patience began wearing thin, Reuters reported last week. It pressured Lebanon's ministers to swiftly make the public pledge so that talks could continue.
But Lebanese officials and diplomats say such an explicit vow could spark communal tensions in Lebanon, where Hezbollah and its arsenal retain significant support among the country's Shia Muslim community.
Proposed wording
On Monday evening, a group of dozens of motorcycles set out from a neighborhood in Beirut's suburbs where Hezbollah has strong support, carrying the party's flags.
Hezbollah's main ally, Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, has been in talks with President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam ahead of Tuesday's session to agree on a general phrase to include in a cabinet decision to appease the US and buy Lebanon more time, two Lebanese officials said.
Berri's proposed wording would commit Lebanon to forming a national defense strategy and maintaining a ceasefire with Israel, but would avoid an explicit pledge to disarm Hezbollah across Lebanon, the officials said.
But other Lebanese ministers plan to propose a formulation that commits Lebanon to a deadline to disarm Hezbollah, said Kamal Shehadi, a minister affiliated with the anti-Hezbollah Lebanese Forces party.
'There's frankly no need to kick the can down the road and postpone a decision. We have to put Lebanon's interest first and take a decision today,' Shehadi told Reuters.
Lebanese officials and foreign envoys say Lebanese leaders fear that a failure to issue a clear decision on Tuesday could prompt Israel to escalate its strikes, including on Beirut.
A US-brokered ceasefire last November ended the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, though Israel has continued to carry out strikes on what it says are Hezbollah arms depots and fighters, mostly in southern Lebanon.
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Arab News
12 minutes ago
- Arab News
Lebanon tasks army with setting plan to restrict arms to state
Salam said the government 'tasked the Lebanese army with setting an implementation plan to restrict weapons' to the armyThe plan is to be presented to the cabinet by the end of August for discussion and approvalBEIRUT: Lebanon's government on Tuesday tasked the army with developing a plan to restrict arms to the state by year end, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said, an unprecedented move that paves the way for disarming a nearly six-hour cabinet session headed by President Joseph Aoun on disarming the Iran-backed militant group, Salam said the government 'tasked the Lebanese army with setting an implementation plan to restrict weapons' to the army and other state forces 'before the end of this year.'The plan is to be presented to the cabinet by the end of August for discussion and approval, he told a press conference after the marathon session.A November ceasefire deal that sought to end more than a year of hostilities including two months of all-out war between Israel and Hezbollah stated that Lebanese government authorities such as the army, security forces and local police are 'the exclusive bearers of weapons in Lebanon.'Salam said the cabinet would continue discussions this week on a proposal from US envoy Tom Barrack that includes a timetable for disarming Minister Paul Morcos said that the cabinet 'set a deadline of the end of the year to consolidate arms in the hands of the Lebanese state.'He said Hezbollah-affiliated Health Minister Rakan Nassereldine and Environment Minister Tamara Elzein, who is affiliated with its ally the Amal movement, 'withdrew from the session because they did not agree with the cabinet decision.'Hezbollah chief Naim Qassem had said a short time earlier, as the cabinet was in session, that 'any timetable presented for implementation under... Israeli aggression cannot be agreed to.''Whoever looks at the deal Barrack brought doesn't find an agreement but dictates,' he said, arguing that 'it removes the strength and capabilities of Hezbollah and Lebanon entirely.'


Arab News
12 minutes ago
- Arab News
How Israel's Netanyahu created a monster in Gaza — which came back to bite him
LONDON: Politics often gives rise to unexpected partnerships, which might at first glance seem illogical — even outright irrational. But for those who broker them, there is usually some inherent logic. In the case of the partnership between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian militant group Hamas, however, they can also be twisted and destructive. The relationship between Netanyahu and Hamas, which began long before the Oct. 7, 2023 attack that triggered the war in Gaza, is a prime example of a complete misreading by the Israeli prime minister of the true intentions of this fundamentalist organization, which would have tragic repercussions for both peoples. What brings Netanyahu and Hamas together is that neither appear to have any interest in solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a compromise that could lead to a two-state solution. For the longest-serving Israeli prime minister in the country's history, averting an end to the conflict based on ending the occupation and agreeing to a two-state solution is his life's mission. James Dorsey of the Middle East Institute believes Netanyahu has developed a symbiotic relationship with the hardliners on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian divide as a tool for sabotaging any progress toward a peace process — let alone a successful conclusion. One telling instance came soon after Netanyahu was first elected as prime minister in 1996 and Israel unexpectedly dropped the request made by his predecessor, Shimon Peres, for Hamas political bureau member Mousa Abu Marzouk to be extradited from the US, where he was a resident, against the advice of the security establishment. This enabled a major Hamas figure to continue his advocacy for armed resistance freely from outside Gaza after his deportation to Jordan. One might think that a right-wing leader, at a time when other Hamas leaders were in Israeli jails, including its founder, Sheikh Ahmad Yasin, would be keen to put someone with Abu Marzouk's history behind bars. That is unless Netanyahu already saw the potential in Hamas, with its total resistance to Israel's existence, of keeping him in power, allowing him to become increasingly authoritarian, and leaving the two-state solution as an eternally hypothetical option. In the symbiotic relationship between the two, Netanyahu needed Hamas and Hamas needed Netanyahu, because they justified each other's existence in convincing their respective constituencies that they are each other's antidote. Preserving the relevance of Hamas in Palestinian politics and the conflict with Israel have become key instruments in Netanyahu's strategy of preventing Palestine from becoming a state, mainly by maintaining divisions within Palestinian society. The victory of Hamas in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election against the governing Fatah movement played into the hands of Netanyahu. He further relished the violent split in Gaza a year later between Fatah and Hamas, which left Fatah, led by President Mahmoud Abbas, in control of the West Bank and Hamas in control of Gaza. With the Palestinian polity divided politically and territorially, and bad blood between the two factions, Netanyahu saw more than ever the opportunity to divide and conquer. He is not the only one in Israeli politics to harbor this Machiavellian approach. Bezalel Smotrich, now Israel's finance minister and one of the most extreme representatives of the settlers' movement in the cabinet, told the Knesset Channel in 2015: 'Hamas is an asset and Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) is a burden.' Speaking to Israeli media outlet Makor Rison in 2019, one of Netanyahu's closest advisers, Jonathan Urich, praised the Israeli prime minister for succeeding 'in achieving severance' between Gaza and the West Bank and 'effectively smashed the vision of the Palestinian state in those two regions.' One of the ploys to keep the Palestinian political system divided and paralyzed, many times with the unfortunate helping hand of Palestinian factions themselves, is to make it impossible to conduct free and fair elections. Such elections would offer the victor both domestic and international legitimacy, allowing them to advocate with enhanced credibility for an end to Israeli occupation. On the rare occasion that holding elections seemed to be possible, as was the case in the spring of 2021, Israel created obstacles, such as ignoring the EU's request to access the Palestinian occupied territories to observe the elections, in violation of the Oslo accords, and refusing to allow for East Jerusalemites to vote, knowing that without their participation, no Palestinian leader would agree to hold elections. Elections, therefore, have not been held for nearly 20 years. This democratic deficit is constantly exacerbated, allowing Israel under Netanyahu to maintain that neither the leadership of Gaza or the West Bank are legitimate or credible entities with which to conduct peace negotiations, and question why it should negotiate with one faction while the other might reject any agreement anyway. It is hardly an honest argument for an Israeli prime minister who has undermined every attempt at reconciliation between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. Worse for him and Israel, it served to maintain the apparent status quo, which imploded in the deadliest day in Israel's history on Oct. 7, 2023. In Netanyahu's world, it is impossible to separate between what serves him personally and his political creed. Still, the leitmotif of opposing the two-state solution goes back to the Oslo accords. His name is closely associated with incitement against the agreement and those who signed it. It propelled him to his first term as prime minister and five subsequent terms. When he expressed support for a two-state solution, it was for tactical reasons, under US pressure, or because he tried to form a coalition with more centrist elements in Israeli politics, but without conviction or the intention to ever make it happen. When he returned to power in 2009, Netanyahu was more determined than ever to weaken the Palestinian Authority and its president, Abbas, with measures such as downgrading the cooperation between the Israeli and Palestinian security forces in their fight against Hamas. Years later, in 2018, when Abbas decided to entirely halt the transfer of money to Gaza, leaving the Hamas-led government teetering on the brink of collapse, Netanyahu was the one who came to its rescue, with the ill-advised idea of encouraging a flow of cash from Qatar, literally in suitcases, into the hands of Hamas. It was alleged that $30 million passed through the Rafah crossing into Hamas coffers every month until October 2023. In addition, under the current Netanyahu government, Israel sanctioned more work permits than it had ever allowed prior to Hamas winning power. While it improved the dire economic situation in Gaza, it provided Hamas with the resources to build tunnels and purchase weapons. It has gradually transpired that Netanyahu was warned by security chiefs in the months leading up to the Oct. 7 attack that Hamas was preparing for another round of violence with Israel. At that point, however, he was too invested in the paradigm that Hamas had been pacified and had no interest in rattling the Israeli cage that might risk its hold on power. A future independent state commission of enquiry into the Oct. 7 attack will have to address the folly of Netanyahu in propping up Hamas and how it enabled this major security lapse to occur.


Arab News
42 minutes ago
- Arab News
Israel is losing the war of algorithms over Gaza
Away from the real world and the killing fields of Gaza, another war rages between pro-Palestine activists on the one hand and Israel's high-tech military, supported by IT giants primarily from the US, on the other. This conflict is taking place mainly on social media platforms across the digital sphere in a bid to sway global public opinion. The good news is that Israel is losing the war of algorithms. Immediately after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks, Israel's propaganda machine kicked in to distort, exaggerate, and lie about the scale of the atrocities that took place on that day. The objective was to mobilize public opinion through mainstream Western media, by feeding them enough horror stories to justify Israel's whole-scale retaliation against the people of Gaza under the banner of 'Israel's right to self-defense.' Israel imposed a total shutdown of all news coming out of Gaza. It barred, as it continues to do today, all international media from entering the besieged enclave. The only version or narrative of what was taking place there was primarily through the well-established Israeli propaganda machine, the hasbara. But while the Western mainstream media had no qualms about its reporters being barred from entering Gaza to carry out independent coverage of the war, they were happy to repeat and promote the Israeli narrative without verification. The only other source was and remains the tens of Palestinian journalists, native residents of Gaza, who were associated with Arab TV networks and many key Western news agencies and TV stations. The onslaught on Gaza has been aired live by Arab TV networks, thanks to these Palestinian journalists, many of whom were deliberately targeted by Israel in order to silence them. As of late July 2025, at least 232 Palestinian journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza since Israel launched its military campaign. That is the most significant number of journalists killed in a conflict since the Vietnam War. Israel was winning the propaganda war by playing the victim, but then the tide began to change. While Western mainstream media looked the other way, Palestinian journalists and activists in the beleaguered strip started sharing videos and testimonies of the massacres on social media platforms. Initially, Israel used its influence to force platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and X to ban and shadow ban pro-Palestine users, as well as remove content that exposed the atrocities taking place in Gaza. That tactic worked for a while, but then users began boycotting such platforms and heading to other platforms like TikTok, where pro-Palestine content was tolerated. Social media has transformed global outrage into protests. Osama Al-Sharif Israel could have won the digital war with minimum losses, were it not for its leaders who doubled down and allowed the Israeli military to unleash the most destructive bombing of a residential zone since the Second World War. It was impossible, with such a high number of casualties, to hide the images of slaughtered babies, maimed children, and wailing parents. Israel could not lie about the blowing up of hospitals, schools, universities, and places of worship. The floodgates burst open, and the social media platforms caved in. While Israeli jets bombed and destroyed more than 90 percent of Gaza, social media has irreversibly altered the global understanding of the genocide in Gaza. Today, the daily reality in Gaza is transmitted directly to the world by its victims. Viral hashtags such as #FreePalestine or #GazaUnderAttack have mobilized millions, sidelining mainstream media and challenging the dominant Western portrayal of Israel as a democratic outpost and as a recurrent victim. Instead, for much of the world, Israel stands increasingly accused of operating as a Western colonial and apartheid state in the heart of the Middle East, charged with war crimes documented in real time. Social media has transformed global outrage into protests on university campuses, boycotts against complicit corporations, and, crucially, legal action. For instance, evidence gleaned from soldiers' posts and digital archives — often collected by grassroots actors — has been used by organizations and even states when filing cases at the International Court of Justice. The trail of legal pursuit is now extending to IT companies that have enabled Israel to weaponize untested artificial intelligence to hunt down Palestinians. Gaza has become a testing ground for future weapons of mass destruction. In response to pro-Palestinian posts on social media, Israel uses bots, particularly AI-powered fake or automated accounts, to influence pro-Gaza algorithms and social media narratives by amplifying pro-Israeli content and sowing doubt within pro-Palestinian discussions. These bots rapidly respond to pro-Palestinian posts with pro-Israeli comments, creating a swarm of replies that can flood social media platforms almost immediately after Palestinian content is posted. The accounts often follow similar patterns and try to appear almost human. Even then, pro-Palestine supporters have developed a robust set of strategies to counter the influence and narratives pushed by pro-Israel AI bots. Activists and organizations such as Tahaqaq (Palestinian Observatory for Fact-Checking and Media Literacy), and other independent fact-checkers actively monitor social media for AI-generated disinformation. They quickly investigate viral images and videos, exposing those that are deep fakes or manipulated, thus preventing bots from distorting the narrative unchallenged. Activists and digital rights groups often publish evidence of AI bot networks — sometimes created by companies like the Israeli firm STOIC — flooding platforms with pro-Israel messaging. In this war of algorithms, Israel is losing ground daily, and every time its army commits a war crime in Gaza. The technology alliance it created has not worked, and it has lost the initial narrative. Today, we see millions of people protesting every week in support of Palestine. Israel's hold on Western politicians is loosening as governments and leaders become aware of the seismic change that is taking place in their constituencies. The war of algorithms is not over, but Israel is no longer able to thwart the global conscience movement it created through its atrocities, and as it carries out this 'first livestreamed genocide,' as it has been described. • Osama Al-Sharif is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman. X: @plato010