
BBC boss wants probe into ‘grinding cuts' at broadcaster
BBC Director-General Tim Davie is advocating for reforming the corporation's funding model, including re-evaluating the licence fee structure.
Mr Davie stressed the importance of universal funding for the BBC and called for an investigation into the 'grinding cuts' he said the corporation has faced over the past decade.
Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy has announced the upcoming launch of the BBC Charter review to support a sustainably funded public service and a creative industries sector plan to boost growth across the UK.
The review follows a Government commitment to increase the licence fee in line with inflation until 2027. In April, the household charge rose from £169.50 to £174.50.
Mr Davie also said the BBC has 'very big ambition around the media supply chain' including the 'need for muscular partnerships with the big American technology companies'.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
29 minutes ago
- The Independent
Dr Martens sees profits slide but on track for return to growth
Dr Martens has revealed annual profits slumped as sales came under pressure and it cautioned over ongoing falling revenues in the UK. The footwear group reported pre-tax profits of £8.8 million for the year to March 30, down from £93 million the previous year, after seeing sales fall 10%. On an underlying basis, pre-tax profits slumped to £34.1 million from £97.2 million. The group said sales to consumers in the US returned to growth in the second half of the year and have continued to increase, but revealed UK revenues have remained lower since the year-end 'due to a challenging market'. It added that unfavourable foreign exchange rates would see it take a hit to group sales and profits of around £18 million and £3 million respectively in 2025-26. Despite this, Dr Martens said it expects underlying profits to rise 'significantly' over the financial year ahead, with analysts expecting a jump to between £54 million and £74 million. It flagged uncertainty over the impact of higher tariffs, but said it was holding off from price hikes for the the remainder of 2025. Its stock is already in the US market for the spring/summer season and either there or on its way for the autumn/winter. 'We do however recognise that there is continued macroeconomic uncertainty and the full outcome of tariffs is still unknown, and we will monitor this closely through the year and take action as appropriate,' the group said. The Northamptonshire-based company outlined new plans for growth alongside its results, with aims to attract new shoppers and hold off from discounts in EMEA and the Americas. Annual figures showed sales sales dropped 11.4% over the year, although retail lifted 1% in the final six months. In the Europe, Middle East and Africa (EMEA) region, sales fell 11%, with direct-to-consumer difficulty amid a highly promotional market – particularly in the UK. The company, whose yellow-stitched boots have been a retro mainstay for decades, has been in the doldrums in recent years, with declining revenues exacerbated by the cost-of-living crisis. It listed on the London Stock Exchange in 2021, and has since issued a slew of profit warnings and replaced its chief executive. Many of Dr Martens' recent problems have come from steep declines in sales in the US, but new chief executive Ije Nwokorie said the group had stabilised in the past year. He said: 'Our single focus in 2024-25 was to bring stability back to Dr Martens. 'We have achieved this by returning our direct-to-consumer channel in the Americas back to growth, resetting our marketing approach to focus relentlessly on our products, delivering cost savings and significantly strengthening our balance sheet.' Mr Nwokorie, previously the firm's head of marketing before taking on the top job from Kenny Wilson on January 6, said: 'I am laser-focused on day-to-day execution, managing costs and maintaining our operational discipline while we navigate the current macroeconomic uncertainties.'


The Independent
34 minutes ago
- The Independent
Rangers appoint new boss Russell Martin on three-year contract
Rangers have confirmed the appointment of Russell Martin as the club's new head coach. The 39-year-old former MK Dons, Swansea and Southampton boss has signed a three-year contract. He will be joined at Ibrox by assistant head coach Matt Gill and performance coach Rhys Owen. Martin guided Southampton to promotion to the Premier League last year but was sacked in December following one win from their first 16 games. Rangers finished last season under the caretaker management of former captain Barry Ferguson, having dismissed Philippe Clement in February. Ex-Scotland defender Martin, who had a short loan spell as a player at Rangers in 2018, is tasked with wrestling power back from the other side of Glasgow after Celtic's stranglehold on Scottish football continued with a 13th William Hill Premiership title in 14 seasons. 'From my time here, I had a taste of how special this club is, the expectation, the passion and the history,' he told the club's website. 'Now, as I return, I'm determined to bring success back, for the supporters, the players, and everyone inside this club. 'There's a lot to be done, but the goal is clear: win matches, win trophies and give Rangers fans a team that they can be proud of.' Martin's arrival is the latest in a series of major changes at the club. An American consortium led by Andrew Cavenagh and 49ers Enterprises secured a majority shareholding on Friday, while new sporting director Kevin Thelwell officially began work on Monday. Rangers chief executive Patrick Stewart, who led the recruitment process alongside Thelwell, said: 'Our criteria for our next coach were clear: we wanted a coach who will excel in terms of how we want to play, improve our culture, develop our squad, and ultimately win matches. Russell was the standout candidate.'


Telegraph
34 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Ed Miliband is laying a trap for Nigel Farage
If Reform UK wins the next election, scrapping net zero is first on their list of policies. Party leader Nigel Farage believes the move could save tens of billions over the next parliament, freeing up funds for tax breaks and benefits boosts. Labour's Ed Miliband, on the other hand, appears to be building his platform on preventing this coming to pass. If Labour can block Reform by triumphing at the ballot box, that's all well and good. If it can't, then there are other tools. As the New Statesman has noted, Miliband's newfound enthusiasm for community wind projects may partly be an attempt to 'future-proof' net zero, pushing things through today that will be tricky to unwind tomorrow. Underhand, possibly, but potentially effective. And it's an approach we could well see expand to other elements of the policy in the near future. Reform's targeted savings from the transition to net zero are already under fire. While the party believes it's possible to save £225bn over the next parliament, the Institute for Government (whose report the figures are partly based on) has argued that some of this sum constitutes private sector spending. Just as important, however, is the question of how much of it will be easily cut. Depending on which analysis you follow, spending over the rest of this parliament could average somewhere between £13bn and £19bn per year, with the latest Climate Change Committee Carbon Budget suggesting that anywhere between £6bn and £23bn of public funding could be needed in 2035. Over the period to 2050, one Office for Budget Responsibility report (now a little old) estimated the net cost at £344bn to the public sector, with the downside risk at £553bn. These are large sums. The upper end – £22bn or so each year – would be enough to fund the reversal of the winter fuel payments cuts (£1.65bn per year), raise the personal allowance by £1,250 (£11.1bn), scrap the two-child benefit cap (£3.4bn) and add another 0.2pc of GDP onto the defence budget – covering almost half the gap between Labour's distant 3pc ambition and the mooted Nato 3.5pc target. It's also the case that these sums could be underestimated. The Climate Change Committee's analysis shows net zero coming in at a net annual cost of 0.2pc of GDP per year over the next quarter century, or roughly £4bn per year, with the costs front-loaded and net savings towards 2050. But underlying these figures are some very optimistic assumed cost curves for the future price of electricity capacity, including a forecast for offshore wind unit costs to fall by 39pc over the next 25 years. Now, this might happen. But it's worth noting that the UK's 2023 auction round for renewable energy projects resulted in no bids at all for offshore wind. These auctions award 'contracts for difference', which pay producers a set rate per unit of electricity produced. If the market rate is below that price, the producer receives a subsidy. If it's above it, then they pay the difference back. Barring a period between 2021 and 2023 when gas prices spiked over tensions and then outright war in Ukraine, these payments have tended to be large and positive: producers receive above-market-rate prices. Despite this, offshore wind was a no-go. In the subsequent auction round, the Government raised the maximum price on offer by 66pc, with the eventual contracts awarded coming in at 58pc above the previous record low. Even this wasn't quite enough. Ørsted's Hornsea 4 project won its funding in that round in September 2024. By March this year, it had been discontinued on the grounds of 'adverse developments relating to continued increase of supply chain costs, higher interest rates and an increase in the risk to construct and operate Hornsea 4 on the planned timeline'. Poof! 2.4 gigawatts (GW) of planned capacity vanished into the ether, just as the plan is to boost it from 15GW to 88GW by 2040. It's a neat illustration of one of net zero's risks. If other technologies also stall out on cost reductions, if delays to projects push the mooted benefits further back into the future, if higher interest rates raise the cost of capital, or if the costs of projects slip in typical fashion, then the costs of the transition could rise further still. And that uncertainty makes scrapping net zero even more appealing for Reform. A policy which they believe will cut energy bills – contracts for difference, the renewables obligation feed-in tariffs and the guarantee of origin system have added £280 to annual household costs between them, before we get to balancing payments and transmission costs – is also a way to work towards balancing the books and reducing fiscal risks. It's a win-win. If, that is, they can pull it off. The concern will be that Labour is trying to tie their hands, setting up contracts and legal commitments well in advance of the next election that will make it extremely hard for a future government to change course. There are early signs the party is moving in this direction, with the next auction round for renewable subsidies taking the approach of inviting bids first towards a targeted capacity, then setting a cash budget after reviewing them. Combined with Miliband's rush to complete decarbonisation of the grid by 2030, and increasing pressure on the private sector to follow along with schemes incentivising electrification of home heating and transport, and the intention could well be to tie Reform's hands. However, Richard Tice, deputy leader of Reform UK and the party's energy spokesman, isn't worried. 'Miliband is absolutely trying to lock us into his net zero plans,' he told me on Wednesday. 'And they're trying to tie up as many contracts as possible now to bind our hands when we win office – you can see that with the switch in renewable energy policy from cash budgets to capacity targets'. But just as Labour can play games with contracts and commitments, so too can Reform. 'We'll claw the public's money back by charging a windfall tax equal to the subsidy awarded, and bar producers from charging that tax back to the consumer,' Tice said. 'Wind farms that need promises of huge public subsidies to finish construction won't be economically viable. And battery storage systems will be outright banned on health and safety grounds; they are dangerous and toxic.' The result is a battle of pre-commitments. Miliband appears to be urging the private sector to pile in on net zero plans, waving the prospect of taxpayer funds at potential partners, and finding ways to make legally binding agreements that will be hard to unpick. Reform, however, isn't planning to unpick them, but to instead follow Miliband's example in the North Sea: restrict operating conditions, tax profits, and drive the value of projects to zero. The effect is to introduce considerable political risk into net zero projects, but potentially also to tempt Labour into finding ways to hand out funds upfront. All eyes on this space: whether Reform's pledges can succeed in scaring off the renewables sector could determine its ability to win the next election.