
Southeast Asia taps Germany's defense industry
Southeast Asia taps Germany's defense industry (AP)
Germany and the Philippines this month agreed to enhance defense ties and boost joint activities, including rearmament, as several Southeast Asian states increasingly look to Europe to diversify their security arrangements away from traditional partners like the US and Russia.
The new deal will expand cooperation to include cybersecurity, armaments, logistics and peacekeeping duties.
The "arrangement concerning defense cooperation" was signed in Berlin by Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro and German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius.
The Philippines, a US treaty ally, has secured a slew of new defense deals over the past 12 months, including an agreement with New Zealand last month.
It expects to sign a similar defense deal with Canada this year.
In December, Manila signed a reciprocal access agreement with Japan. It will soon begin negotiations with France for a visiting forces agreement, which will allow French troops to be stationed at Philippine bases, similar to the agreement the Philippines has with the US.
The Philippines and several other Southeast Asian states have accused Chinese vessels of taking "aggressive actions" towards them over disputed territory in the South China Sea.
At the same time, there are growing doubts about the US security guarantees under the Trump administration.
In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled that Beijing's claims had no legal basis after the Philippines initiated proceedings. China rejects that decision.
In 2024, Germany deployed two warships to the Indo-Pacific region, demonstrating Berlin's commitment to freedom of navigation operations.
In February, Germany and Turkey were accepted as observer countries in the ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting (ADMM), the Southeast Asian bloc's main defense forum.
In addition to defense agreements, Southeast Asian states are also seeking to diversify the countries from which they purchase weapons, which has led to European countries scrambling for contracts.
Last year, the Philippines approved a $35 billion program to upgrade its military forces, including plans to purchase submarines for the first time.
So far, tenders have been submitted by South Korea's Hanwha Ocean, France's Naval Group, Spain's Navantia, and a joint venture between Italy's Fincantieri and Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems.
Earlier this month, ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems, a leading German naval shipbuilder, signed a new contract with Singapore for the construction of two additional Type 218SG submarines.
Southeast Asia shops for weapons
In 2024, Germany supplied four EC-145 light helicopters and four 11001-15000 ship engines to Indonesia.
The same year, it sold IRIS-T long-range air-to-air missiles to Thailand.
According to the Federal Ministry of Economics, Germany approved arms sales to Singapore worth €1.2 billion last year.
Other Southeast Asian countries, including Vietnam and Indonesia, are also considering purchases of European weaponry, mostly from France.
French President Emmanuel Macron will arrive in Vietnam on May 25 for a tour of Southeast Asia, which will also include stops in Indonesia and Singapore, where he will deliver a keynote speech at the Shangri-La Dialogue, Asia's premier security summit.
Earlier this month, Indonesian troops arrived in Italy to train on two 6,000-ton advanced frigates, the first of which is scheduled to be delivered to the Southeast Asian state in June.
"Multi-alignment is on the rise these days as it responds well to the fluid and volatile nature of current world politics," Alexander Vuving, professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu, told DW.
"For Southeast Asian countries facing the US-China rivalry, European powers like Germany, France and the UK provide a good alternative," he added.
"If Europeans rise to the challenges facing their unique situation regarding their relations with Russia and the US, they can be a meaningful arms supplier for Southeast Asia."
Ian Storey, a senior fellow at Singapore's ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, told DW that European countries are "well-placed" to increase their defense sales to the region, especially as Russia's arms exports have collapsed.
Russian arms exports have dropped by 64% since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).
Vietnam, which accounted for nearly all of Southeast Asia's imports of Russian arms, has actively sought alternative suppliers since 2022 due to the impact of Western sanctions on Russian exports.
Germany's capacity problem
However, Storey said, European armaments companies will face "stiff competition" from traditional suppliers such as the US and new players like South Korea and Turkey.
"South Korea, in particular, is on a roll in Southeast Asia," he added.
In 2023, South Korea became one of the world's Top 10 arms exporters, and its government aims to make it the fourth-largest arms exporter by 2027.
A bigger problem is Germany's supply, not global demand, Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington, told DW.
Given the Russian threat to the continent, the ongoing war in Ukraine, and the Trump administration's lackluster commitment to European security, "I simply cannot imagine Germany's defense industrial base becoming any more than a niche player in the Southeast Asian arms market," Abuza said.
H&K machine guns and other small arms may be an exception, he added, but Germany's defense industries "have an enormous void to fill in Europe. I do not see any excess capacity," he added.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
34 minutes ago
- Time of India
Sanofi buys US biopharma group Blueprint in $9.1 billion deal
French pharma group Sanofi has agreed to buy US-based Blueprint Medicines Corporation , a biopharmaceutical company specializing in systemic mastocytosis, a rare immunological disease, the companies said on Monday. Under the terms of the acquisition, Sanofi will pay $129.00 per share in cash, representing an equity value of approximately $9.1 billion. The acquisition "represents a strategic step forward in our rare and immunology portfolios. It enhances our pipeline and accelerates our transformation into the world's leading immunology company," said Sanofi CEO Paul Hudson. The deal will add to Sanofi's portfolio the rare immunology disease drug Ayvakit/Ayvakyt (avapritinib), approved in the US and the EU, and a promising advanced and early-stage immunology pipeline . Blueprint's established presence among allergists, dermatologists, and immunologists is also expected to enhance Sanofi's growing immunology pipeline, the companies said. Live Events Ayvakit/Ayvakyt is the only approved medicine for advanced and indolent systemic mastocytosis, a rare immunology disease, which is characterized by the accumulation and activation of aberrant mast cells in bone marrow, skin, the gastrointestinal tract, and other organs. The acquisition will also bring elenestinib, a next-generation medicine for systemic mastocytosis, as well as BLU-808, a highly selective and potent oral wild-type KIT inhibitor that has the potential to treat a broad range of diseases in immunology. Besides $129.00 per share in cash at the closing of the deal, Blueprint shareholders will also receive one non-tradeable contingent value right (CVR) which will entitle the holder to receive two potential milestone payments of $2 and $4 per CVR for the achievement, respectively, of future development and regulatory milestones for BLU-808. The total equity value of the transaction, including potential CVR payments, represents approximately $9.5 billion on a fully diluted basis. Hudson said the deal complements recent acquisitions of other early-stage medicines that remain Sanofi's main field of interest and added that Sanofi still retains a sizeable capacity for further acquisitions.


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Cambodia says to file complaint with ICJ over Thai border dispute
Cambodia: will file a complaint with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over border disputes with Thailand, Prime Minister Hun Manet said Monday, after a Cambodian soldier was killed in a recent frontier clash. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now "Cambodia hopes that the Thai side will agree with Cambodia to jointly bring these issues to the International Court of Justice... to prevent armed confrontation again over border uncertainty," Hun Manet said during a meeting between MPs and senators. Military clashes between the Southeast Asian neighbours erupted in 2008 and have led to several years of sporadic violence, resulting in at least 28 deaths. The most recent occurred Wednesday, when a Cambodian soldier was killed in a location known as the Emerald Triangle - a joint border area between Cambodia, Thailand and Laos. The day after, Cambodia's foreign ministry sent a letter to the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh demanding "an immediate and thorough investigation" into the "unprovoked attack". Describing the incident as "a violation of Cambodian sovereignty", Phnom Penh said it remained committed to resolving the issue through "peaceful and diplomatic avenues". Prime Minister Hun Manet said that even if the Thai side did not agree on bringing the issue to the ICJ, Cambodia would still file the complaint. He added that the border dispute was being "incited by small extremist groups in both countries", which could lead to further clashes. Thailand's ministry of foreign affairs did not immediately respond to a request for comment from AFP. Cambodia's military had said they were attacked first in Wednesday's incident, while the Thai side said their soldiers were responding to gunshots. The Thai and Cambodian militaries met the following day, agreeing to ease tensions. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Thailand says a Joint Boundary Committee will meet in the next two weeks to resolve the issue. The Emerald Triangle is among the areas that will be named in the ICJ complaint, Hun Manet said. Another is Ta Moan Thom Temple, the backdrop for a video posted on social media earlier this year showing a woman singing a patriotic Khmer song which led to Bangkok lodging a formal protest to Phnom Penh. Cambodia and Thailand have long been at odds over their more than 800-kilometre-long (500-mile) border, which was largely drawn during the French occupation of Indochina. The 2008 military clashes erupted over a patch of land next to Preah Vihear Temple, a 900-year-old structure near their shared border. This led to several years of sporadic violence before the International Court of Justice ruled the disputed area belonged to Cambodia.
&w=3840&q=100)

First Post
an hour ago
- First Post
Mad with power and vengeance, Yunus risks taking Bangladesh down with him
Yunus has thrown up too many balls in the air, and it remains to be seen if he is a wizard to pull it off, or n usurper who risks taking Bangladesh down with him read more As India grapples with the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, a sordid drama is playing out next door. An unelected regime, backstopped by the military, Islamists, war criminals and revisionist 'student revolutionaries', wants to turn Bangladesh into another Pakistan – a jihadi hellhole, an economic basket case and a rentier state that dreams of breaking India and plans to suck on Chinese and American teats. This radical shift is being driven by Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate heading an 'interim government' as the chief adviser. Yunus, a crafty, vengeful man, thinks he is playing 128D chess. He is writing blank cheques he cannot encash. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It has been nine months that this illegitimate regime has been in power, nine turbulent months following Sheikh Hasina's orchestrated ouster during which Yunus has overseen Bangladesh's rapid economic descent, freeing of 1971 war criminals, a surge in Islamist radicalism, unhinged vendetta politics, hounding of Hindu minorities and sweeping foreign policy changes without the requisite democratic mandate. When he flew in from the United States to assume power in August last year, Yunus had promised to 'restore Bangladesh's democracy' through 'free and fair elections'. He is 'restoring democracy' by banning Awami League, Bangladesh's largest political party, one that is synonymous to the country's independence, and by delaying elections. Not surprisingly, Yunus has run into a collision course with the BNP, the only major party left in Bangladesh's political scene that fancies a return to power. The 'chief adviser', though, has other plans. For the head of a military-backed regime, Yunus has even made an enemy of the army chief because General Waker-Uz-Zaman has called for early elections and come out swinging against Yunus's moves to take key decisions keeping the military in the dark, such as constructing a 'humanitarian corridor' linking Chittagong to the restive Rakhine province in Myanmar where the military junta is fighting a civil war. Bangladesh is witnessing an intriguing power tussle and attempts at palace coup and counter coup. Yunus is evidently keen to control all the levers of power and enjoy unchallenged writ. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD His hunger for power shouldn't have come as a surprise to Bangladesh watchers. US diplomatic cables leaked by Wikileaks reveal that the Americans knew at least since 2007 that Yunus possesses 'a strong desire to jump into the maelstrom of Bangladeshi politics.' One cable, dated 13 February, mentions that 'Yunus is considering entering Bangladesh politics' and that 'he was reviewing his options'. The cable discloses that Americans felt Yunus is 'a person of great moral stature and strong organizational skills,' and his 'candidacy could offer a possible out from the present Sheikh Hasina-Khaleda Zia zero-sum game that cripples Bangladesh's democratic process.' The Americans have always considered Yunus as 'their man', something India had a very good idea about. Another leaked cable marked 'confidential' and dated December 2006, reveals what the South Block was thinking about the 2007 elections when the Americans wanted 'neither Hasina, nor Zia to win' and were 'actively supporting Yunus', for whom the Americans had 'fixed' the Nobel Prize. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This dynamic between Yunus, whose status as America's pet poodle has always been known, and the US, is key to understanding the great game unfolding in India's neighbourhood. In his brief tenure, Yunus has already savaged Bangladesh's close strategic, diplomatic and commercial ties with India, warmed up to Pakistan, hitched Dhaka's boat to Beijing and kowtowed to the US. Much against the wishes of Bangladesh's mainstream political class and even the military, Yunus is positioning Bangladesh as a mule for America's proxy war against China in war-torn Myanmar – jettisoning the careful balance of power strategy that former prime minister Hasina used as a foundation to script Bangladesh's rise. The worst part is Yunus's authoritarian impulses and reckless steps are destabilising a region strategically sensitive for India, apart from making life difficult for ordinary Bangladeshis. In his effort to cling on to power, the scheming Yunus alternates between habitual India-bashing and divisive agendas to keep rivals off tack. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In causing diplomatic friction with India, authoring wholesale pivot to China, and calling for a more robust American involvement in the region, Yunus is redrawing the strategic underpinnings of Bangladesh's foreign policy, initiating transformative changes without Parliamentary backing or democratic buy-in when as the head of a caretaker government all he needs to do is ensure political, social and economic stability to ensure free, fair and inclusive elections. This fundamental mismatch between Yunus's self-image as a 'saviour' of Bangladesh, his vaulting ambition, strong desire to wield power (refer to the US diplomatic cables) and the military and the BNP's assumption of the chief adviser's limited role, lies at the heart of Bangladesh's 'war like' situation that Yunus blames India for. This turmoil couldn't have come at a worse time. Bangladesh is struggling. Growth has stuttered to 3.97%, the slowest in 34 years. The economy is battered with industry shutdowns, high inflation, unemployment, falling wages and steep price rise, potentially putting millions at risk of falling into extreme poverty. Foreign investors are staying away. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD IANS quotes data from Bangladesh's central bank to report that Dhaka's flow of FDI fell to $104.33 million in the July-September quarter of 2024-25 fiscal, the lowest in six years, and the country received 71% less foreign investment year-on-year, down from $360.5 million in the July-September period of FY24. The flagship garment sector that plays a significant role in Bangladesh's economy, contributes handsomely to the GDP and employment is besieged with problems. According to a report published last December, in one year '140 factories across various sectors have ceased operations, including 76 in garments, 50 in knitwear, and 14 in textiles. This has led to the loss of approximately 94,000 jobs, with the Beximco Group alone laying off around 40,000 workers from its 15 garment factories. In total, closures have left 134,000 workers unemployed amid the shuttering of 155 factories.' Trump's punishing tariffs on Bangladesh resulting in a halt in orders from America and import restrictions from India have further hit the sector's profitability. Things are so bad that General Waker, during the recent high-level gathering of military commanders at Dhaka Cantonment that generated a lot of media heat, reportedly said, 'garment factories are shutting down one after another, and no one seems concerned. This silence is dangerous.' A clear barb at Yunus. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The 'chief adviser' remains unfazed. He is focused more on ideological agendas such as freeing hardcore war criminals like Jamaat-e-Islami leader ATM Azharul Islam, a death row convict accused of killing 1,256 people, abducting 17, and raping 13 women during the 1971 Liberation War, apart from torturing civilians and setting fire to hundreds of houses. Islam was handed a death sentence in 2014. The Appellate Division of Bangladesh's top court upheld the death sentence five years later. Under the Yunus regime, the same Supreme Court on 27 May scrapped its earlier judgement – a first in history – that upheld the conviction and death sentence and ordered 'immediate release' of Islam, a pointer to how Jamaat is holding the Yunus regime to ransom. In a measure of the distance Bangladesh has travelled under a vindictive, unelected regime, the Bangladesh Supreme Court led by its chief justice on Sunday ordered the Election Commission to restore the registration of Jamaat, the right-wing jihadi outfit that was banned by the Hasina government under anti-terrorism law for its role in violent protests and historical opposition to Bangladesh's independence. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Jamaat, that played a key role in the genocide of Hindus and Bengali-speaking Muslims during the 1971 war alongside the Pakistani army, will now be able to contest in future elections whereas former prime minister Hasina has been charged with 'crimes against humanity', and 'the chief instigator behind the violent crackdown that unfolded during the July and August unrest.' It speaks volumes of Bangladesh's trajectory under Yunus that the banned Awami League will not be allowed to contest elections while Yunus's attack dogs, Jamaat and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir go about persecuting ethnic and religious minorities and altering the secular character of Bangladesh's Constitution. In the zero-sum game of Bangladesh's exclusionary politics, the pendulum will keep swinging from one extreme to the other. Yunus, who is crossing swords with the army chief and wants to replace him with a more pliant man, will soon figure out that he cannot run the country through palace intrigue, mob violence and revenge politics, and by seeking to decouple from India. Yunus is courting China on the one hand, giving it access to Lalmonirhat airfield, close to India's Siliguri Corridor (Chicken's Neck), giving Beijing opportunities to expand strategic influence through Teesta River management project in exchange for China's help in making Bangladesh a manufacturing hub, on the other hand he is embarking on a risky pirouette by giving the US a route to back the Arakan Army rebels in Myanmar's Rakhine state through the so-called 'humanitarian corridor' that Bangladesh's army chief went ballistic about. Since China is seen to be backing Myanmar's military junta, the US sees a chance to lodger proxy war against the Chinese in Myanmar, and Yunus risks making Bangladesh a pawn to the great power game. Yunus has thrown up too many balls in the air, and it remains to be seen if he is a wizard to pull it off, or n usurper who risks taking Bangladesh down with him.