Dutch cannabis growers welcome expansion of scheme to legalise sales
ADVERTISEMENT
The Netherlands has expanded a government-run initiative allowing legal cannabis sales.
While growing cannabis is still illegal, cannabis shops — known as coffeeshops — in 10 municipalities will be allowed to sell marijuana from 10 licensed producers.
"Weed was sold here legally for 50 years but the production was never legal. So it's finally time to end that crazy, unexplainable situation and make it a legal professional sector," Rick Bakker, commercial director at Hollandse Hoogtes, one of the regulated producers, said.
Around 80 coffeeshops are taking part in the experiment which advocates hope will ultimately end a long-standing legal anomaly; you can buy and sell small amounts of weed without fear of prosecution in the Netherlands but growing it commercially remains illegal.
Bakker's company in Bemmel, near the German border, is indistinguishable from the surrounding greenhouses producing tomatoes and peppers.
Cannabis plants in the Hollandse Hoogtes growing facility in Bemmel, 7 April, 2025
AP Photo
But it makes 200 kilograms of weed per week and is one of the largest producers in the experiment.
A trailblazer in decriminalizing pot since the 1970s, the Netherlands has grown more conservative.
Amsterdam, long a magnet for marijuana smokers, has been closing coffeeshops in recent years and has banned smoking weed on some of the cobbled streets that make up its historic centre.
Advocates have been pushing for a legal growing for years, citing the safety of the product as well as concerns about crime.
Benjamin Selma, the head grower at Hollandse Hoogtes who worked in cannabis production in California for more than a decade, said the quality control for the cannabis is extremely high.
Cannabis plants in the Hollandse Hoogtes growing facility in Bemmel, 7 April, 2025
AP Photo
"We do a full test, microbial, cannabinoid, terpene, as well as yeast and anaerobic bacteria, heavy metals as well. So it's very, very controlled," he said.
The company, which does not use pesticides and tightly regulates growing conditions, also has an eye on the environment.
The production facility gets its energy from solar panels and uses biodegradable packaging.
"It is also a great opportunity to see how cooperation within the closed chain between legal growers, coffeeshop owners and all other authorities involved works," Breda Mayor Paul Depla said when the first phase was launched in 2023.
The experiment "is really a political compromise," according to Derrick Bergman, chairman of the Union for the Abolition of Cannabis Prohibition.
ADVERTISEMENT
The plan dates back to 2017, when Christian political parties and pro-legalisation parties agreed to a test run after a bill to decriminalise production failed.
The government will evaluate the experiment after four years.
Cannabis plants in the Hollandse Hoogtes growing facility in Bemmel, 7 April, 2025
AP Photo
"A research team, advised by an independent guidance and evaluation committee, is examining the effects of a controlled cannabis supply chain on crime, safety and public health," the government said in a statement.
Selma said he is happy to be working without concerns about prosecution.
ADVERTISEMENT
"I've seen some bad moments," he said, "and I don't know if I ever believed I would be so free."
The coffeeshops taking part in the initiative are located in Almere, Arnhem, Breda, Groningen, Heerlen, Hellevoetsluis, Maastricht, Nijmegen, Tilburg and Zaanstad.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Euronews
5 hours ago
- Euronews
Europe's right caught in wake of broken Trump-Musk bromance
The very public fallout between Donald Trump and tech billionaire Elon Musk, once among the US president's closest advisors, has rippled across the Atlantic, drawing fascination as well as anxiety from Europe's right-wing and far-right political circles. The collapse of the Trump-Musk alliance, marked by bitter exchanges over government contracts and personal insults, has left many on Europe's right politically adrift. Online, the moment has already spawned memes comparing European parties to children caught in a bitter divorce. Yet beyond the humour, the European right woke up in shock. For many of its leaders, Trump had served as proof that a nationalist 'wave' was not only possible but already underway. Musk, meanwhile, became an unlikely champion of their causes, lending legitimacy, visibility, and even a platform to far-right movements like Germany's AfD and Italy's Lega, with particularly close ties to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. So far, there has been no official comment from Europe's right-wing leaders on the Trump-Musk rift. That silence is striking as these politicians are usually quick to react to global events, especially those involving figures they admire. Their hesitation suggests a deeper unease: being forced to choose sides could present a strategic dilemma that reshapes the future of Europe's right-wing landscape. Germany's far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) faces a delicate balancing act. While the party has long admired Trump's nationalist politics – often calling for a 'Germany First' approach – it has also benefited significantly from Musk's support. Musk has repeatedly praised the AfD, once stating, 'Only the AfD can save Germany.' Ahead of Germany's federal elections, he even participated in livestreamed discussions with AfD co-leader Alice Weidel and used his platform X (formerly Twitter) to amplify the party's messaging. Meanwhile, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who was present at the White House during part of the unfolding dispute between the pair, hasn't commented, though his CDU party competes directly with the AfD and is likely watching developments closely. Italy's Lega and its leader Matteo Salvini face a similar dilemma but from a slightly different angle. Salvini has long styled himself as Italy's most pro-Trump figure, even more so than his rival Giorgia Meloni. Yet Musk has also courted Lega. In April, he addressed the party's national congress in Florence via video link as a star guest, echoing his involvement with the AfD. For Meloni, the situation is even more complex as she has cultivated relationships with both men. As the first Western European leader to meet Trump following the announcement of US tariffs on EU goods, she positioned herself as a diplomatic bridge between Washington and Brussels. At the same time, she has maintained a pragmatic, deal-oriented relationship with Musk, particularly regarding potential SpaceX contracts for Italian defence communications. Despite their ties to Musk and shared ideological overlaps, both Meloni and Salvini are likely to side with Trump in the event of a political schism since Trump remains a key political ally and, unlike Musk, is an elected leader. In other parts of Europe, the choice appears clearer. Parties such as Hungary's Fidesz under Viktor Orbán and France's National Rally, now led by Jordan Bardella, have consistently aligned themselves with Trump's nationalist agenda. Orbán, one of Trump's closest allies in Europe, frequently echoes his anti-immigration rhetoric and strongman leadership style. Bardella has praised Trump's patriotism and nationalist policies, while showing little public admiration for Musk. Elsewhere, parties like Poland's Law and Justice (PiS), Austria's Freedom Party (FPÖ), and Spain's Vox have seen Musk act more as a sympathetic amplifier of their messages rather than as a political partner. While Musk has given visibility to far-right narratives on his social media platform, he lacks the political authority or ideological consistency that many of these parties find in Trump. As the Trump-Musk feud continues to unfold, Europe's right-wing movements may be forced into a reckoning. Do they align with a political icon who has shaped modern populism or with a tech mogul whose influence lies in platforms, not policies? For now, many are watching and waiting. But if tensions escalate further, silence may no longer be an option. A new YouGov study shows that the favourability towards Israel in Britain, France, Germany, Denmark, Spain and Italy is at or near its lowest level in Western Europe since 2016. The research interviewed 8,625 people from these six key Western European countries between November 2016 and May 2025. Net favourability towards Israel in Germany (-44), France (-48), and Denmark (-54) has reached its lowest level since YouGov started tracking in 2016, while public sentiment in Italy (-52) and Spain (-55) are likewise at their lowest or joint lowest levels, despite a shorter timespan from 2021 onwards. A number of Europeans across these six countries think Israel was right to send troops into Gaza, but believe they have since gone too far and caused too many civilian casualties. This opinion won the most support in Germany at 40%, followed by Denmark at 39% and Britain at 38%. Israel's military campaign has killed more than 54,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. Food supplies have also been blocked, with the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)'s latest report stating half a million people face starvation. Between 7% and 18% of European respondents say they sympathise most with the Israeli side, the lowest figure in most countries since the Hamas attacks. By contrast, between 18% and 33% say they sympathise more with the Palestinian side. Only in Germany are the figures for each side similar, with 17% for Israel and 18% for Palestine. Despite permanent peace in the Middle East seeming distant to Europeans, French people are the most optimistic that both sides will set aside their differences within the next 10 years. Meanwhile, Danes are the least optimistic at 15%. Across all countries, the opinion that peace is realistic has fallen in popularity by between four and ten percentage points.
Euronews
5 hours ago
- Euronews
Baku conference tackles rising Islamophobia and global intolerance
Baku hosted the third International Conference on Combating Islamophobia, drawing over 120 guests from 40 countries. Held under the theme 'Unveiling Bias and Shattering Stigmas,' the forum addressed the rise of anti-Muslim sentiment worldwide. Speakers highlighted the role of social media, rising far-right ideologies, and misinformation in fuelling discrimination. The event promoted interfaith dialogue, cooperation, and global action, including a new digital observatory to track Islamophobia. Azerbaijan's leadership called for unity and implementation of UN resolutions, stressing the need for shared solutions to protect human rights and uphold religious tolerance. Germany's industrial production and exports fell in April after a recent growth spurt in the first quarter, suggesting that the prior uptick was linked to a pre-tariff rush. Output in the manufacturing sector fell 1.4% month-on-month and declined 1.8% compared to April 2024. In March, this total grew 2.3% month-on-month, and it fell 0.7% year-on-year. Exports from Germany, meanwhile, also disappointed in April, dropping 1.7% month-on-month and falling 2.1% on the year. Imports rose 3.9% from March to April, while the annual jump was 3.8%. 'Today's industrial production data reflects the feared reversal of the frontloading effect of the first quarter and suggests that the structural weakness in industry is not over, yet,' Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, said in a note. 'At the same time, however, there are growing indications that the German industrial cycle is gradually turning, as industrial orders have also improved and inventory levels have started to fall.' Despite some bright spots in the data, tariff threats from the US administration are weighing on Germany's outlook, which is already hampered by structural issues. In recent years, Germany has been dubbed the 'sick man of Europe', with growth constrained by an ageing workforce, excessive bureaucracy, high energy costs, and sluggish productivity. GDP nonetheless grew by a better-than-expected 0.4% in the first quarter of the year, fuelled by businesses seeking to get ahead of Trump's tariffs. Economists hope that this week's ECB rate cut, along with increased defence spending, will support Germany's expansion going forward. Germany has approved a constitutional amendment to its 'debt brake' rule, meaning defence spending above 1% of GDP will not be subject to borrowing limits. The government has also created a €500bn extrabudgetary fund for additional infrastructure spending. "In two weeks, the government is expected to present its budget plans for 2025 and 2026, which should include more details on how and when the government intends to spend the €500bn of the new infrastructure investment fund," said Brzeski. "While it is still very early days and far-reaching structural reforms have not been presented yet, the policy action of the government's first month in office is promising and could spark positive momentum."
Euronews
6 hours ago
- Euronews
Production and exports fall in Germany as pre-tariff rush wears off
Germany's industrial production and exports fell in April after a recent growth spurt in the first quarter, suggesting that the prior uptick was linked to a pre-tariff rush. Output in the manufacturing sector fell 1.4% month-on-month and declined 1.8% compared to April 2024. In March, this total grew 2.3% month-on-month, and it fell 0.7% year-on-year. Exports from Germany, meanwhile, also disappointed in April, dropping 1.7% month-on-month and falling 2.1% on the year. Imports rose 3.9% from March to April, while the annual jump was 3.8%. 'Today's industrial production data reflects the feared reversal of the frontloading effect of the first quarter and suggests that the structural weakness in industry is not over, yet,' Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, said in a note. 'At the same time, however, there are growing indications that the German industrial cycle is gradually turning, as industrial orders have also improved and inventory levels have started to fall.' Despite some bright spots in the data, tariff threats from the US administration are weighing on Germany's outlook, which is already hampered by structural issues. In recent years, Germany has been dubbed the 'sick man of Europe', with growth constrained by an ageing workforce, excessive bureaucracy, high energy costs, and sluggish productivity. GDP nonetheless grew by a better-than-expected 0.4% in the first quarter of the year, fuelled by businesses seeking to get ahead of Trump's tariffs. Economists hope that this week's ECB rate cut, along with increased defence spending, will support Germany's expansion going forward. Germany has approved a constitutional amendment to its 'debt brake' rule, meaning defence spending above 1% of GDP will not be subject to borrowing limits. The government has also created a €500bn extrabudgetary fund for additional infrastructure spending. "In two weeks, the government is expected to present its budget plans for 2025 and 2026, which should include more details on how and when the government intends to spend the €500bn of the new infrastructure investment fund," said Brzeski. "While it is still very early days and far-reaching structural reforms have not been presented yet, the policy action of the government's first month in office is promising and could spark positive momentum." The eurozone economy posted a stronger-than-expected performance in the first quarter of 2025, with growth largely driven by investments and exports, reinforcing expectations that the European Central Bank (ECB) will adopt a more cautious approach to further rate reductions. Gross domestic product (GDP) in the euro area expanded by 0.6% quarter-on-quarter, marking the fifth consecutive quarter of expansion, according to Eurostat's third estimate released on Friday. This figure represents an upward revision from the previous 0.3% estimate and marks the highest quarterly growth rate since the third quarter of 2022. For the broader European Union, economy also grew by 0.6% in the first quarter. On an annual basis, GDP grew by 1.5% in the euro area and by 1.6% across the European Union in the first quarter of 2025. This comes after a quarterly growth of 0.3% in the euro area and 0.4% in the EU during the final quarter of 2024. Among member states, Ireland recorded the most significant quarterly GDP increase, surging by 9.7%, followed by Malta (+2.1%) and Cyprus (+1.3%). On the other end, the largest contractions were observed in Luxembourg (-1.0%), Slovenia (-0.8%), and both Denmark and Portugal (each -0.5%). Household final consumption expenditure rose by 0.2% in both the euro area and the EU, a slowdown from the 0.5% and 0.6% increases recorded in the previous quarter, respectively. Government final consumption expenditure remained stable in the euro area but declined by 0.1% in the EU, following respective increases of 0.4% and 0.5% in the fourth quarter of 2024. Gross fixed capital formation posted strong growth, rising by 1.8% in both the euro area and the EU, marking a notable acceleration from the previous gains of 0.7% and 0.6%. Exports also rebounded, increasing by 1.9% in the euro area and by 1.6% in the EU, after recording marginal growth of 0.0% and 0.1% in the preceding quarter. Meanwhile, imports rose by 1.4% in both regions, recovering from the 0.1% decline observed in the prior period. The stronger economic performance was released just one day after the ECB announced its eighth rate cut in the current cycle, lowering the deposit facility rate by 25 basis points to 2%. Yet, during the press conference, ECB President Christine Lagarde signalled caution, repeatedly affirming that the Governing Council is in a 'good position' to handle prevailing uncertainties. The ECB's macroeconomic projections remained largely unchanged from March. Real GDP is expected to expand by 0.9% in 2025, 1.1% in 2026 and 1.3% in 2027. Meanwhile, headline inflation is forecast to average 2.0% in 2025, dip to 1.6% in 2026, and return to 2.0% in 2027. In a separate release, Eurostat reported a 0.2% quarter-on-quarter rise in the number of employed persons in the euro area, slightly revised down from the previous 0.3% estimate. Employment remained stable in the EU. Year-on-year, employment increased by 0.7% in the euro area and by 0.4% in the EU during the first quarter of 2025. April's seasonally adjusted retail trade volume rose marginally by 0.1% month-on-month in the euro area and by 0.7% in the EU, offering early indications of consumption trends in the second quarter. Economists and market analysts reacted swiftly to the signals from Lagarde and the stronger-than-expected GDP figures. 'We no longer expect a July cut,' said Goldman Sachs economist Sven Jari Stehn, interpreting Lagarde's remarks as a sign that a pause is now the baseline scenario. Goldman Sachs now sees the ECB's final rate cut taking place in September, although it expects economic activity to soften and core inflation to trend lower than the ECB's forecasts over the summer. ING's global head of macro, Carsten Brzeski, concurred, stating: 'Comments from the ECB's press conference suggest Board members are in no hurry to cut rates again at the July meeting – unless there is a new escalation of trade tensions.' BBVA echoed the sentiment, concluding: 'We now consider the rate-cutting cycle to be finished at the current level. The ECB appears comfortable pausing from here unless financial conditions deteriorate.' The ECB's June move can be labelled as a 'hawkish cut' by Gian Marco Salcioli, Head of Global Markets Strategy at Intesa Sanpaolo. 'The pandemic phase taught us how little it takes to reignite inflationary pressures,' Salcioli noted, adding that 'prudence is necessary – the pace of cuts seems to be shifting toward a wait-and-see approach.'
