Europe's right caught in wake of broken Trump-Musk bromance
The collapse of the Trump-Musk alliance, marked by bitter exchanges over government contracts and personal insults, has left many on Europe's right politically adrift. Online, the moment has already spawned memes comparing European parties to children caught in a bitter divorce.
Yet beyond the humour, the European right woke up in shock.
For many of its leaders, Trump had served as proof that a nationalist 'wave' was not only possible but already underway.
Musk, meanwhile, became an unlikely champion of their causes, lending legitimacy, visibility, and even a platform to far-right movements like Germany's AfD and Italy's Lega, with particularly close ties to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.
So far, there has been no official comment from Europe's right-wing leaders on the Trump-Musk rift. That silence is striking as these politicians are usually quick to react to global events, especially those involving figures they admire.
Their hesitation suggests a deeper unease: being forced to choose sides could present a strategic dilemma that reshapes the future of Europe's right-wing landscape.
Germany's far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) faces a delicate balancing act. While the party has long admired Trump's nationalist politics – often calling for a 'Germany First' approach – it has also benefited significantly from Musk's support.
Musk has repeatedly praised the AfD, once stating, 'Only the AfD can save Germany.' Ahead of Germany's federal elections, he even participated in livestreamed discussions with AfD co-leader Alice Weidel and used his platform X (formerly Twitter) to amplify the party's messaging.
Meanwhile, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who was present at the White House during part of the unfolding dispute between the pair, hasn't commented, though his CDU party competes directly with the AfD and is likely watching developments closely.
Italy's Lega and its leader Matteo Salvini face a similar dilemma but from a slightly different angle.
Salvini has long styled himself as Italy's most pro-Trump figure, even more so than his rival Giorgia Meloni.
Yet Musk has also courted Lega. In April, he addressed the party's national congress in Florence via video link as a star guest, echoing his involvement with the AfD.
For Meloni, the situation is even more complex as she has cultivated relationships with both men.
As the first Western European leader to meet Trump following the announcement of US tariffs on EU goods, she positioned herself as a diplomatic bridge between Washington and Brussels.
At the same time, she has maintained a pragmatic, deal-oriented relationship with Musk, particularly regarding potential SpaceX contracts for Italian defence communications.
Despite their ties to Musk and shared ideological overlaps, both Meloni and Salvini are likely to side with Trump in the event of a political schism since Trump remains a key political ally and, unlike Musk, is an elected leader.
In other parts of Europe, the choice appears clearer. Parties such as Hungary's Fidesz under Viktor Orbán and France's National Rally, now led by Jordan Bardella, have consistently aligned themselves with Trump's nationalist agenda.
Orbán, one of Trump's closest allies in Europe, frequently echoes his anti-immigration rhetoric and strongman leadership style. Bardella has praised Trump's patriotism and nationalist policies, while showing little public admiration for Musk.
Elsewhere, parties like Poland's Law and Justice (PiS), Austria's Freedom Party (FPÖ), and Spain's Vox have seen Musk act more as a sympathetic amplifier of their messages rather than as a political partner.
While Musk has given visibility to far-right narratives on his social media platform, he lacks the political authority or ideological consistency that many of these parties find in Trump.
As the Trump-Musk feud continues to unfold, Europe's right-wing movements may be forced into a reckoning. Do they align with a political icon who has shaped modern populism or with a tech mogul whose influence lies in platforms, not policies?
For now, many are watching and waiting. But if tensions escalate further, silence may no longer be an option.
A new YouGov study shows that the favourability towards Israel in Britain, France, Germany, Denmark, Spain and Italy is at or near its lowest level in Western Europe since 2016.
The research interviewed 8,625 people from these six key Western European countries between November 2016 and May 2025.
Net favourability towards Israel in Germany (-44), France (-48), and Denmark (-54) has reached its lowest level since YouGov started tracking in 2016, while public sentiment in Italy (-52) and Spain (-55) are likewise at their lowest or joint lowest levels, despite a shorter timespan from 2021 onwards.
A number of Europeans across these six countries think Israel was right to send troops into Gaza, but believe they have since gone too far and caused too many civilian casualties.
This opinion won the most support in Germany at 40%, followed by Denmark at 39% and Britain at 38%.
Israel's military campaign has killed more than 54,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, according to Gaza's Health Ministry.
Food supplies have also been blocked, with the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)'s latest report stating half a million people face starvation.
Between 7% and 18% of European respondents say they sympathise most with the Israeli side, the lowest figure in most countries since the Hamas attacks.
By contrast, between 18% and 33% say they sympathise more with the Palestinian side.
Only in Germany are the figures for each side similar, with 17% for Israel and 18% for Palestine.
Despite permanent peace in the Middle East seeming distant to Europeans, French people are the most optimistic that both sides will set aside their differences within the next 10 years.
Meanwhile, Danes are the least optimistic at 15%.
Across all countries, the opinion that peace is realistic has fallen in popularity by between four and ten percentage points.
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