Demobilisation programme instituted as second SANDF group returns from DRC
The repatriation process has generated criticism from many quarters. Chris Hattingh, DA defence and military veterans spokesperson, said the event in totality was another example of poor SANDF planning and 'a national embarrassment'.
'The DA warned this event was more about spectacle than sincere recognition,' he said in a statement, adding, 'those concerns were proven correct. The entire ceremony turned into a public embarrassment, with soldiers stranded and their supposed heroes' welcome left in ruins'.
'This is not just a failed media stunt. It is a sign of deeper dysfunction within the department of defence (DoD). Repeated logistic failures, both abroad and at home, raise serious questions about leadership and competence at the highest levels.
'Our troops deserve more than press conferences and red carpets. They deserve clear planning, dignified treatment and respect. Not the humiliation of becoming pawns in a failed PR exercise,' according to Hattingh.
Tshabalala said it was 'a bit unfair to suggest any operational shortcomings on the part of the SANDF when, in fact, we had no control over the logistical constraints presented by the service provider.'
The DA is calling for a full parliamentary report detailing the planning and procurement of repatriation logistics, the causes of delays in troop and equipment movement from Goma, DRC, the full cost of rerouting and VIP arrangements, the status and safety of remaining SANDF personnel and assets in the DRC, and what lessons, if any, have been learnt from this mission's collapse.
'This farcical 'homecoming' is not merely a PR disaster. It reflects the SANDF's growing inability to carry out even the most basic operations, troop movement, equipment return, or co-ordinated logistics, without confusion, delay, or last-minute crisis-driven haphazard improvisation. The minister's own admission that 'we would have just picked up our children and landed them at the airbase' if the SANDF had working aircraft speaks volumes,' Hattingh said.
'No amount of spin can conceal the truth: SAMIDRC ended not in honour, but in disarray. If this is how South Africa withdraws from conflict, what confidence can we have in how it enters one?'
The remaining troops, said to number 2,000, serving with the now terminated SAMIDRC are due to return home by month-end. Equipment is being transported from Tanzania by sea and is expected to arrive later.
— This article was first published by DefenceWeb

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Daily Maverick
2 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
The GNU at one — serial crises and continual turmoil are the order of the day
The first year of the Government of National Unity saw crises of power-sharing, policy fallouts, court challenges, declarations of mutual contempt between the ANC and DA, and the construction of a substitute coalition — followed by truces and a seeming compulsion to stay the course. South Africa's one-year-old Government of National Unity (GNU), established on 14 June 2024, has tottered from one near-death experience to the next. Serial crises and continual turmoil are the rules of the country's new coalition politics, not a passing phase. Simultaneously, the GNU's endurance speaks its own truth: this unlikely, ideologically clashing, publicly inconvenient but largely policy-convergent coalition is predisposed to persist. This analysis records the formal and de facto rules of prevailing coalition life in South Africa. The focus is on the national. Conventional coalition theory and insights from comparative case studies have limitations in fathoming the rules of the South African coalition game circa 2024-2025. The analysis thus chronicles the rules as they have unfolded. Site of contest The GNU coalition is a site of contest, rather than an internally stable construct. Adversity and continual contestation rule; coalition practice is part of a protracted election campaign that stretches from poll to poll. The GNU's lifeblood is acrimony and the amorphous relationship between the main political parties. This discordant and 'inconvenient' relationship (as per Mistra's Marriages of Inconvenience) persists by mutual agreement between the anchor parties. The GNU is not about bonhomie and generous cooperation. Parties do not aspire to a new, shared coalition identity. The phrase 'governing in the interest of the people of South Africa' is mostly a subtext. These and other rules of engagement have become ingrained as the coalition has matured in the past year. It is a coalition that might continue ruling South Africa, probably beyond the local elections of late 2026, possibly for the parliamentary term and at least until the ANC presidential substitution of 2027-2029. The heart of the GNU, by numbers rather than affect, is the relationship between the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA). The two parties have a convenient majority of 62%, or a grand 72% with the inclusion of the other eight GNU parties. The ANC gains power against the DA in also having at its disposal a spare coalition of 52%, as seen in the VAT crisis of 2025 (even if the ANC has realised the pitfalls of possibly governing with this collection of micro and small parties). The ANC could also gain conditional coalition cooperation from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) for a third alternative, although it is neither the wish of the majority in the ANC's National Executive Committee (NEC), nor the party's financial backers. Despite these alternatives, the ANC chooses to walk the path with the DA. 'Sufficient consensus' GNU rule-making started with the negotiation of the Statement of Intent (SoI) — South Africa's weak substitute for a coalition agreement. The ANC-DA negotiations were insubstantial. The SoI was confirmed and signed at the eleventh hour, on 14 June 2024. The election of the President, scheduled for that day, was the DA's leverage. It won the battle for decision-making by 'sufficient consensus', but effectively ceded power because it had to recognise the President's prerogatives to exercise functions. All parties agreed to respect the Constitution. There was no time (nor were opportunities created subsequently) to deliberate the appropriateness of constitutional provisions that had clearly not envisaged a coalition government. The SoI, not a legally enforceable document, helped limit GNU power-sharing because 'sufficient consensus' for decision-making came to be at the discretion of the ANC. The weak SoI aided the ANC's desire not to let the coalition government cramp its exercise of power. Disproportionate GNU power flowing to the ANC was confirmed in the number and designations of Cabinet portfolios. Such deliberations invariably help establish coalition governments, and many embryonic coalitions implode at this point. The DA emerged bloody-nosed from the Cabinet composition contest but accepted the outcome — caught off-guard after committing strategic errors in the negotiations for Cabinet positions, also recorded in Tony Leon's book Being There. Legal combat The infant coalition limped from one defining power-sharing and policy crisis to the next. The series of policy conflicts almost unravelled the GNU. Key conflicts included: The Basic Education Laws Amendment (Bela) Act, signed into law by President Cyril Ramaphosa in September 2024 (the National Assembly adopted it shortly before the 2024 election); The National Health Insurance (NHI) Act, signed by the President hastily in May 2024, just before the election (multiple professional bodies and political parties challenged it, ongoing by mid-2025, but it served the ANC's 2024 election campaign); and The Expropriation Act, signed by Ramaphosa in early 2025, despite the DA warning that it regarded the Act as unconstitutional. The DA litigated these and several other cases. The ANC argued that the DA opposed transformation and practised racially reactionary politics. The courts became a GNU partner of a special legal type. They were called on to offer legal answers to politically insoluble conflicts. The DA had been identifying low-hanging, procedural-matter fruit where lawfare could obstruct policies that the ANC refused to negotiate or renegotiate, now that the coalition era had rooted itself. Such legal combat among GNU partners, along with insolent mutual reproaches, including references to GNU partners as 'the enemy', were confirmed as further de facto rules of South Africa's new coalition game. It was accepted, equally, that these acts were not (necessarily) intended to kill the coalition. In the coalition policy battles, the DA felt free to act in the perceived interest of its constituents, to help position itself for future elections. The ANC, in turn, felt free to cast the DA as the reactionary foe. Several public opinion polls indicated that both the DA and ANC were gaining in voter endorsements for their GNU participation, with the DA gaining slightly more than the ANC. 'There shall be consultation' As the GNU wars escalated at the time of South Africa's Budget 2025, GNU rules were clarified further. The DA at last had the power it craved. The Budget and its fiscal framework need a 50%-plus National Assembly majority to pass. The DA, which was, at the time, only minimally consulted despite being the main GNU partner, rejected two versions of the Budget, due primarily to its disagreement with the proposed hike in Value-Added Tax (VAT). The ANC's options were to cooperate with the DA, work with the EFF and/or Jacob Zuma's uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party, or find a new small-party front. The ANC went shopping for new coalition partners outside of the GNU, but not the MK and EFF. It built a parallel majority coalition, with the inclusion of the non-GNU ActionSA and Build One South Africa. The bulk of the GNU micros remained part of the ANC's parallel majority coalition. In the universe of coalition government globally, outside soliciting is regarded as notice of (antecedent) 'coalition disbanded' — but not in the case of South Africa. ANC insults of the DA rocketed, although it tried not to be seen as instigating a breakup. Rather, the ANC's apparent strategy was to antagonise and frustrate the DA out of the GNU: it was a case of the DA being 'kicked out' versus 'frustrated out'. ANC factions continued as a major influence on GNU survival — it is also common globally that internal factions affect governing coalitions. June 2024's approximate 60-40 ANC NEC division between favouring or disavowing a GNU with the DA persisted at the time of the VAT crisis. Business showed its hand as a powerful partner in the coalition room, and this worked against the ANC's factional GNU demolition thrust at the time. Business leaders called on the ANC and DA to safeguard the GNU: its collapse could endanger economic growth and cost jobs. The game changed, with pressure added through the DA and EFF's legal challenge to the VAT increase and the ANC's growing recognition of the problem of continually accommodating a multiplicity of micro parties. In late April, the Treasury scrapped the planned VAT hike and tabled its third revised fiscal framework. The ANC reached out for an out-of-court settlement with the DA (the courts were still required to issue an order to avert the 1 May VAT increase). In an ANC-DA meeting soon thereafter, the DA expressed its 'sincere commitment' to stay in the GNU. To help preserve the fragile GNU, the ANC postponed an NEC meeting, and continued to do this at the time of writing, waiting first to achieve the Top Seven's consensus on its ongoing GNU alignment with the DA (or to let the dealignment fire burn itself out). The substantive (although incredulous that it only came roughly a year into GNU) coalition rule learnt at the time was that 'there shall be consultation'. Ramaphosa, ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula and Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana all pronounced that they had learnt the lesson that coalitions require consultation; globally, in coalition practice, this is an entry-level criterion. No effective conflict resolution A coalition rule awaiting ANC discovery is that functional coalitions require a meaningful, operational conflict resolution mechanism (effectively absent in the Statement of Intent). The 'clearing-house mechanism' is being refined, but, to date, remains poorly defined and vastly underutilised. The de facto guideline in the interim is for coalition party leaders to 'talk it over with the President' — while the President maintains scarce availability. Coalition governance is on low-key piloting — after the base rule of executive or Cabinet constitution was asserted early in the life of the GNU: the ANC would have disproportionately large numbers in the executive, both in Cabinet and deputy ministerial ranks. The ANC retained power and control over the bulk of the state and government. Coalition rules included that opposition party ministers had to get on with the job, be discreet in claiming success lest it upset ANC ministers, not outshine ANC Cabinet members or predecessors, and be guarded in criticisms of Cabinet colleagues who suffer corruption charges. Opposition Cabinet members were monitored by ANC deputy ministers, but not vice versa. In the legislature and its committees, nevertheless, green shoots of accountability and responsible decision-making started appearing, tentatively. The opposition parties and 'GNU opposition parties' often converge in inputs. Coalition government under the GNU also entailed that Cabinet meetings may be suspended or minimised when it becomes too ghastly a prospect for ANC ministers to face, for example, DA colleagues. Despite the raging VAT-Budget-GNU crisis, which needed urgent resolution, just a few Cabinet meetings took place from February to May 2025. It was in the wake of DA leader John Steenhuisen's inclusion in the South African delegation that met US President Donald in May that a sense of normality returned to Cabinet interactions. More benefits than drawbacks These were the core rules therefore that shaped the GNU: evolving from the initial denial that it was a coalition, to keeping doors open for the cooptation of parallel majorities, trying to do coalitions without consultation, litigating against partners, shutting avenues for partner impact and influence, acrimonious intra-coalition relations, and eventually an apparent and veiled resolve to keep the GNU going. Centripetal refuted centrifugal at the time of the GNU's first anniversary. There were more benefits than drawbacks for the two anchor parties, either to the left and infused with gripping liberation narratives, or to the right and drawn to liberal precepts mixed with race nostalgia. This interparty distance also means that the GNU partnership aids electoral positioning and poll progress, which nurtures GNU prolongation. But look out for the moment when opinion polls start reflecting citizen disillusionment with the GNU's ability to deliver tangible prospects for economic growth, jobs and wellbeing. That will be a cue for the GNU glue to disintegrate. DM Susan Booysen is a Wits University emeritus professor and research consultant. She is the editor of the forthcoming Mistra Coalitions Barometer II, 2023-2025.


Daily Maverick
7 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
South Africa's coalition Cabinet — the more things change…
While much has changed within our Cabinet because of the introduction of other parties, much remains the same. When it first became clear that a national coalition was being formed around the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), it was already obvious that it would be incredibly diverse. This has led to a Cabinet in which it can sometimes appear that ministers are following different agendas. And the person at the centre of it all, President Cyril Ramaphosa, appears to be unable to instil discipline or ensure competence. Even now, a full year after the ministers were sworn in, the diversity of our Cabinet can be breathtaking. It is not just that two parties that have competed against each other so personally for so long are working together. It is also because the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and the Freedom Front Plus, along with the Patriotic Alliance (PA) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), appear to be rubbing along together fairly well. It is almost a part of our South Africanness that, for the moment at least, our politicians generally have warm personal relations, despite the very real differences in the constituencies they represent. When Ramaphosa visited flood-affected communities in the Eastern Cape last week, his delegation included ministers from the IFP and the DA, and it was clear they were being included in the same way ANC ministers were. It was somehow typically South African. Everyone has a chance to do their thing. Cooperation It was perhaps this element of our society that might have led to hopes that perhaps, despite their ideological differences, members of the Cabinet would all work together to move in the same direction. There are some areas in which this has happened. For example, there have been virtually no leaks from Cabinet meetings, even though some parties would stand to gain from doing this. Some have indeed given an account of what happened during the most tense moment of this coalition, the argument over the Budget, but even so, very few details have emerged in the public domain. Also, considering that there are many departments with a minister from one party and a deputy or deputies from another, instances of open conflict have been rare. Of course, there are some. Particularly in the two situations where the current minister is from the DA, while the deputy minister is the previous ANC minister. Both in the Communications Ministry and in Public Works and Infrastructure, there have been brief public spats involving the DA's Solly Malatsi and the ANC's Mondli Gungubele (over Malatsi's withdrawal of the SABC Bill) and the DA's Dean Macpherson and the ANC's Sihle Zikalala over several issues (including the Expropriation Bill and how the department has been run). But in some areas, which could be considered political flashpoints, there has been relative peace. In the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition, for example, which administers BEE, it appears that the minister, the ANC's Parks Tau and one of the deputies, Andrew Whitfield, have avoided open conflict. This is no small achievement. Considering the previous habits of both the ANC and the DA, and the very real differences on issues like the National Health Insurance, the fact that there has been no public conflagration is in itself important. Cohesion That said, there is an apparent lack of cohesion within the Cabinet. This was on full display two weeks ago. While Malatsi was making it easier for a service owned by the world's richest man to come to South Africa, Mineral Resources and Petroleum Minister Gwede Mantashe was unveiling new proposals that place onerous new transformation conditions on the mining industry. In some cases, it appears that individual ministers, no matter which party they are from, are making important progress. But strange things still happen. Last year, Home Affairs Minister, the DA's Leon Schreiber, unveiled new regulations for digital nomads. The government had promised these changes for many years, but he did it within months of taking office. This led to speculation that either Schreiber was just more competent than the ANC or that his predecessor, the ANC's Aaron Motsoaledi, had refused to publish the changes. This forced Ramaphosa to issue a statement, confirming that Schreiber had his full support. Renegades But two other factors so far also stand out from the behaviour of this Cabinet. The first is that several members have not moderated their behaviour, despite now holding national office. PA leader Gayton McKenzie, for example, appears to be in continual campaign mode. While it may be significant for a political party leader to make prejudiced and xenophobic comments, it is much more significant when those words come from a Cabinet minister. Despite very strong criticism of his comments, the President has not taken action against him. Meanwhile, the country's best-known public masticator, Higher Education Minister Nobuhle Nkabane, has shown complete disrespect for Parliament and accountability. Worse, it appears her claim that the list of names of people she would appoint to chair the Setas came from an independent panel is a complete lie. If and when this is confirmed, Ramaphosa will be under pressure to remove her as she will have lied to Parliament. Coalition weakness All of this demonstrates a major weakness of the current arrangement. Ramaphosa cannot really take action against a minister who is not from the ANC. To do so could risk the entire coalition. This probably explains why he has not acted against McKenzie. And even if he were to speak to the PA about this, McKenzie is its leader. And even if the party agreed to his removal, it would probably replace him in the Cabinet with their deputy leader, Kenny Kunene. It would not be long before he made comments very similar to those made by McKenzie. Or, given Kunene's track record, something much worse. This reveals the second dynamic. Ramaphosa also appears unable to act against ANC ministers. If he can't act against ministers from other parties, can he act against those from his own? It may still be important, though, to remember that some of these dynamics are also the result of old ANC habits. For example, there was at least one example of a deputy minister contradicting a minister in public (when Godfrey Oliphant was the deputy minister of Mineral Resources, he publicly criticised Mosebenzi Zwane during the State Capture era). And of course, there are plenty of examples where a minister appeared impervious to presidential discipline. The most public example was Pravin Gordhan, who took on Jacob Zuma in the most public way in 2016 and 2017. Competence Another old ANC habit may well relate to the fact that several people in the Cabinet have been shown to lack competence. Nkabane's handling of the Seta debacle may be a good example. But Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni's statement that the government would 'smoke out' illegal miners during an incident in which at least 80 people died may be another. There is still no indication that Small Business Development Minister Stella Ndabeni (formerly Ndabeni-Abrahams) has acted as a cheerleader for business. The Minister of Land Reform and Rural Development, PAC leader Mzwanele Nyhontso, has been largely absent from debates and discussions about his portfolio, while there are other examples of ministers who appear to have made little progress in their portfolios. This suggests that while much has changed within our Cabinet because of the introduction of other parties, much remains the same. DM


The Citizen
10 hours ago
- The Citizen
DA leads Masoyi youth march to demand job creation
Less than a minute Monicca Mthembu Less than a minute The youth in the Masoyi area and members of the DA went out in their numbers to demand that the government create jobs for young Mpumalangans earlier today, June 16. The DA leader, John Steenhuisen, led the march in commemoration of Youth Day. ALSO READ: Former president Mbeki enjoys walkabout at Lowveld National Botanical Garden He addressed the attendees on plans to fight youth unemployment, restore dignity and build opportunities for youngsters. 'Today is a day of remembrance, bringing into sharp focus the important role of youth in driving change,' said Steenhuisen. At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!