Bail denied to Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye in treason case
The case has raised concerns among government critics, including opposition leader Bobi Wine and rights groups, about a crackdown ahead of Uganda's national election early next year in which President Yoweri Museveni, 80, is seeking re-election.
The government denies targeting opposition figures and says all those who have been detained have committed crimes.
A former ally and personal physician of Museveni, Besigye has stood and lost against Museveni in four elections. He has not said whether he is running again.
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Eyewitness News
4 hours ago
- Eyewitness News
Trump's performance politics and the cost to South Africa
Charles Matseke 15 August 2025 | 11:31 Donald Trump Racism Foreign policy FILE: US President Donald Trump Donald Trump's political fabric has always been woven with threads of populist theatrics, racial grievance politics, and an impulse-driven approach to governance. Nowhere is this more evident than in his treatment or lack thereof of South Africa. From the start of his presidency, Trump displayed neither a coherent foreign policy for Africa nor an appreciation of South Africa's strategic role on the his engagement was dominated by misinformation and disinformation, most notably his amplification of the so-called 'white genocide' narrative raising the question: was this ignorance, calculated malice, or simply a lack of diplomatic interest?For Trump, foreign policy toward Africa has never been a matter of strategic planning but rather a stage for identity politics and symbolic gestures aimed at his domestic base. His failure to engage meaningfully with President Cyril Ramaphosa particularly during the controversy over farm killings was not just a scheduling oversight. It was a symptom of a deeper perception problem: Trump does not see African leaders as equal political counterparts deserving of diplomatic caution or respect. This mindset reflects his white nationalist worldview, where Black-majority nations are viewed not as strategic partners but as geopolitical traditional U.S. foreign policy, South Africa occupies a vital position as the gateway to African markets, a regional security partner, and a voice within multilateral forums such as BRICS, the African Union, and the G20. Under Trump, however, this relationship shifted from engagement to neglect. His administration largely abandoned Africa-focused policy frameworks in favor of ad-hoc interventions, driven more by ideological posturing than geopolitical calculus. The 'Prosper Africa' initiative ostensibly aimed at boosting U.S. trade and investment barely touched South Africa meaningfully, while Trump's transactional worldview reduced diplomacy to short-term deals, ignoring long-term strategic vacuum allowed domestic and foreign actors to weaponize disinformation. Afrikaner nationalist groups such as AfriForum, with strong networks in the U.S. conservative ecosystem, saw Trump's impulsiveness as a strategic opportunity. Drawing from Melissa Steyn's analysis in Whiteness Just Isn't What It Used to Be, these groups have long grappled with the erosion of white political dominance in post-apartheid South Africa. The 'white genocide' narrative provided them with an emotional hook appealing to Trump's base and bypassing nuanced diplomatic understand why such narratives find resonance, one must examine the historical architecture of Afrikaner nationalism. As T. Dunbar Moodie argues in The Rise of Afrikanerdom, Afrikaner nationalism was more than a political movement it was a quasi-religious civil religion, sanctifying racial separation as divine mandate and framing political dominance as a sacred duty. This belief system provided the moral and ideological scaffolding for apartheid and still echoes today in pockets of Afrikaner society, where victimhood narratives are deployed as political capital. Similarly, Dan O'Meara in Forty Lost Years shows how the National Party meticulously engineered a political order that consolidated Afrikaner economic and cultural power from 1948 to 1994. While apartheid's political edifice collapsed, the psychological and institutional residues of this power-seeking ideology survived. The mobilization of the 'white genocide' discourse in U.S. conservative circles is not a spontaneous phenomenon, it is a strategic continuation of this long tradition of using fear, identity, and international lobbying to protect white minority while Trump amplified the plight of white farmers, he never once addressed the existence of Orania, a whites-only enclave in South Africa, a relic of apartheid's ideology of 'separate development.' Orania is the physical embodiment of white privilege and autonomy in a Black-majority democracy, yet it escapes both U.S. diplomatic scrutiny and international condemnation. That such a place exists without sustained challenge from Washington underscores the selective outrage in U.S. foreign policy where white victimhood narratives are amplified, while systemic racial privilege is 'white genocide' discourse is not merely rhetorical it aligns with potential economic objectives. By casting South Africa as a country hostile to white farmers and foreign investors, it creates diplomatic pressure to dilute Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies, opening the door for U.S. linked tech and infrastructure projects tied to white economic networks. One cannot ignore that projects like Starlink championed in conservative U.S. circles could benefit from a South African policy environment stripped of its transformation South Africa, the Trump era offers sobering lessons. First, the U.S. even as a self-styled global moral leader is not immune to racialized foreign policy. Second, populist leaders will readily sacrifice diplomatic consistency for domestic political theater, especially when racial narratives resonate with their base. Third, foreign disinformation campaigns, particularly from well-organized minority interest groups, can gain traction when amplified by a superpower's head of response must be more assertive. It should challenge the weaponization of racial narratives by foreign actors and call out selective U.S. outrage. Domestically, it must engage Afrikaner nationalist organizations both at home and abroad on the reality that South Africa is a constitutional democracy belonging 'to all who live in it,' and those seeking preferential treatment on the basis of race have no legitimate diplomatic disregard for South Africa is not simply an extension of domestic U.S. polarization, it is a demonstration of how identity politics now shapes global diplomacy. In this paradigm, facts are subordinate to ideology, and policy is subordinate to populist performance. For South Africa, engaging with such a superpower requires both strategic communication and an unflinching commitment to safeguarding its sovereignty against racialized policy interference. Trump's South Africa 'policy' was never about policy at all it was about politics. And in that theatre, the truth was not a casualty of war; it was an afterthought in a performance aimed not at Pretoria, but at Pennsylvania, Texas, and Florida. Charles Matseke (MPhil in Politics and International Relations) is a researcher and writer with a keen interest in contemporary political dynamics. His research focuses on electoral politics, foreign policy analysis, and international relations, with a particular emphasis on the Global South and Africa's role in global affairs.
Mail & Guardian
4 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Two days left for Gayton McKenzie to respond to K-word allegations
Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie. Photo: Delwyn Verasamy The South African Human Rights Commission ( The commission confirmed that it had received complaints from political parties and members of the public after the posts, published from 2011 to 2017, circulated on X earlier this month. The content drew public outrage and renewed calls for McKenzie's removal from the cabinet. In a statement, the SAHRC said the posts amounted to a prima facie violation of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and that McKenzie's conduct was inconsistent with the ethical standards expected of a cabinet minister and member of parliament. 'After assessment of the contents, the commission is of the view that utterances made by Minister McKenzie are prima facie violations of the provisions of the Equality Act,' it said. The commission has issued McKenzie, who leads the Patriotic Alliance, with an allegation letter, setting out remedial measures and requiring a response. If he refuses to comply, the matter will be referred to the Equality Court under the SA Human Rights Commission Act read with the Equality Act. It has given the minister until 20 August to respond to the allegations. The proposed measures include deleting the offending posts, issuing a public apology in consultation with the commission, undergoing sensitivity training, and making a donation to a charity. SAHRC spokesperson Wisani Baloyi said the body had considered the wording of the posts, the circumstances under which they were made, and their potential effect on the dignity of others. 'We believe there is prima facie evidence of a violation of the Equality Act,' he said. The commission also used the opportunity to remind the public that the right to freedom of expression is not absolute. It warned against using hate speech under the guise of free speech protections, citing the Equality Act and the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act. 'The commission calls on everyone in the country to uphold the principles enshrined in the constitution, including human dignity, equality and non-discrimination,' it said. McKenzie has rejected the allegations, insisting he has never used the K-word. Speaking to news channel 'I can't ask for forgiveness for something I didn't do. Why am I asking for forgiveness for some of the nonsense things I said about guys and swearing at some guys, not racism. I won't apologise,' he said. 'Why would I apologise for something I didn't do? Even if the president says I must apologise for racism, I will not, because I wasn't racist. Must I be so desperate for a job that I start apologising for stuff? No. I'm another type of guy.' McKenzie has also dismissed the controversy as politically motivated, accusing the 'I can never be guilty of racism. Try some other takedown, but never racism,' he said. 'What you see here, they fear me, they have been calling me ibhantinti [prisoner], I mustn't be here, then every time I beat them in the by-elections, where is Bhantinti and all? Now they found racism, what racism? How can I be racist my brother me?' said the convicted criminal turned politician. The resurfacing of the posts and the commission's decision to investigate have prompted sharp reactions across the political spectrum. ActionSA, which lodged a complaint with the SAHRC, welcomed the investigation. 'We maintain that South Africa cannot have a sitting cabinet minister who holds such views, whether past or present, without being held to account,' ActionSA MP Alan He said the SAHRC's action was appropriate. 'No cabinet minister can be allowed to casually use racial slurs and walk away without consequence.' Last week, the EFF called for McKenzie's immediate dismissal from the cabinet. 'A minister entrusted with national identity and cultural diversity cannot be tainted by such racist conduct,' the party said. The EFF argued that past incidents should serve as a benchmark for how such matters are handled, referencing the case of Renaldo Gouws, who was expelled from the Democratic Alliance and resigned from parliament after his racist remarks also resurfaced. 'The dismissal of Renaldo Gouws for his racist utterances set a firm precedent: individuals who demean black people should not occupy leadership roles, particularly in spaces that require engagement with diverse communities,' the EFF said in a statement. 'McKenzie's comments carry the same weight, if not more, as they come from a coloured man using the language of oppression against black people.' The party also accused McKenzie of inconsistency and hypocrisy after he recently slammed a podcast over derogatory comments against coloured people. 'It is also the height of hypocrisy for McKenzie to demand accountability from others. He himself harbours the same hateful attitudes. Recently, when podcasters on 'Open Chats' made offensive remarks about cColoured people, calling them 'incestuous' and 'crazy', McKenzie expressed outrage, opened a case against them, and demanded a public apology,' the EFF said.
Mail & Guardian
4 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
National Dialogue gains inclusion as activists step in after foundations exit
(Graphic: John McCann) Despite hurdles, including several legacy foundations and political parties boycotting last week's convention to initiate the National Dialogue on resolving South Africa's problems, organisers and participants insist the initiative remains on track. Last week, President Cyril Ramaphosa said the National Dialogue was a credible programme that would 'launch a million conversations' across South Africa, where people would 'meet to talk about what worries them, what gives them hope and how they think their lives and our country can be better'. On Monday, convention committee spokesperson Zwoitwaho Nevhutalu described the discussions during last week's forum as 'vibrant', saying the He noted how delegates had resisted moves that might exclude citizens unable to attend the two-day convention, telling the Mail & Guardian : 'It was actually humbling how activists did not want to use their privilege at being at the convention to usurp leadership.' The National Dialogue is part of Ramaphosa's attempt to forge a new social compact after his ANC lost its electoral majority in the 2024 general elections, forcing it into a coalition government with nine other political parties, including the Democratic Alliance (DA). The DA is boycotting the dialogue, describing it as an Nevhutalu said the willingness of activists to hold space for excluded voices was a key marker of the convention's spirit. 'What we picked up from the dialogue is that South Africans are very stressed and it is an opportune moment for leaders to engage in discussions,' he said, pushing back against what he called the 'misrepresentation' of the process by those opposed to it. 'All we will do is collate the information and make sure it arrives at the highest level, which is the second convention.' Civil society organisations appear to be stepping into the gaps left by the foundations' withdrawal. Member of the convention committee Nonkululeko Mntambo said the exits opened more space for citizens and grassroots networks. 'When the foundations left the leadership of the subcommittees, the social mobilisation and trauma and healing fell to the grassroots people who were already mobilised,' Mntambo said. 'Many experts have since been discovered who would otherwise not have been in the forefront.' But she stressed that the process is not without risks. 'The dialogue has to address security issues and ensure participants are well trained, for a citizen-led process to be successful. We are dialoguing with people who have very different values and backgrounds.' The trust deficit between the government and citizens, created by years of unmet promises, complicates efforts to build consensus, Mntambo said, adding that the convention showed spatial, gender and racial divides which the dialogue seeks to address. 'Getting people to the convention was difficult as some were coming from different parts of South Africa — from townships and villages,' she noted. Bongani Kupe, the special project manager at the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, said the legacy movements were talking to civil society about how to take the project back from the government and political parties. 'We didn't participate in [last week's] gathering but we cannot leave this important project to people who don't understand its meaning and impact in the citizenry defining the South Africa we want,' Kupe said. He said South Africans had lost faith in democracy, pointing to the declining number of voters who cast ballots in the 2024 elections. 'Our aim is to deal with all aspects affecting the country and there are no holy cows. The dialogue should cover even the most uncomfortable topics that will shape the future of this country.'
