Charting African intellectuals between 1836 and 1914
Sanele Ntshingana is heading to Harvard University to participate in the Du Bois Research Institute Fellowship.
He's been recognised for his groundbreaking research into African political thinking between 1836 and 1914.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
IOL News
10 minutes ago
- IOL News
Economic Freedom Fighters: A Beacon of Hope for South Africa's Forgotten Communities
Julius Malema delivers a speech during the launch of his new political party Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) on July 26, 2013 in Soweto. The EFF celebrates its 12th anniversary in Khayelitsha, Cape Town today. Image: AFP Carl Niehaus As we celebrate the 12th anniversary of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) today, we are filled with a sense of revolutionary pride. This marks a celebration of a grassroots liberation movement that has been a beacon for the poor and marginalised African people, the oppressed, and the forgotten black masses of South Africa. Born from tragedy and injustice, the EFF represents the spirit of economic emancipation, turning despair into hope. From Marikana's bloodstained fields to Mthatha's flood-ravaged homes, the party's journey underscores its dedication to the poor over 12 years. In a landscape of empty promises, the EFF not only voices the forgotten's plight but lives and fights it relentlessly. The EFF's origins are rooted in the nation's sorrowful history, emerging from the 2012 Marikana massacre, where police killed 34 mineworkers during a wage strike. This exposed the exploitation of black labour in post-apartheid South Africa, which promised freedom but delivered inequality. The workers' anguish sparked radical change. On July 26, 2013, at Uncle Tom's Hall in Soweto—a site of resistance—the EFF was launched, vowing economic freedom in our lifetime. This pledge to break inequality's chains has been upheld with resolve for a dozen years. Central to the EFF's ethos are its Seven Cardinal Pillars, a blueprint to end systemic exploitation and injustice faced by black Africans. These include expropriating land without compensation, nationalising mines and banks, and providing free quality education, healthcare, and housing. They confront colonialism and apartheid's scars, calling for wealth redistribution to empower the masses. For 12 years, these pillars have guided the EFF, inspiring actions aligned with the people's needs. Over these years, the EFF has become the champion of the African poor, oppressed workers, students, landless, unemployed, and exploited black women—not just in South Africa but across Africa. It extends solidarity to the continent's forgotten, positioning itself as their voice. The party has led campaigns against gender-based violence, highlighting how patriarchy worsens poverty. A key achievement was its role in the 2015-2016 Fees Must Fall movement, where students protested high fees barring access to education. The EFF provided strategic leadership, amplifying demands in Parliament and sparking a national reckoning. From this, a new generation of EFF leaders—youth from poor backgrounds—has emerged, carrying the torch with passion. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ To the poor, the EFF is a lifeline and guardian of rights where service delivery fails. In local governance, EFF representatives have driven community upliftment in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane, and other municipalities. They've fought for better housing, water, sanitation, and infrastructure against opposition. Notably, the EFF advocates for the homeless in Alexandra, Soweto, Daveyton, Tembisa, Seshego, and townships nationwide, demanding land reclamation for self-empowerment. This aligns with the vision of people-owned land utilisation, transforming barren areas into prosperous communities. The EFF consistently advocates for the black poor's needs, from workplace exploitation and unemployment to university barriers and NYDA failures. In healthcare, it pushes for 24/7 community centres and clinics. In Johannesburg, MMC for Health Cllr Ennie Makhafola has established such facilities, ensuring timely care for the poor. MMC for Safety and Security Dr Mgcini Tshwaku has tackled drug lords, reclaimed crime-ridden buildings, and sensitised police to the poor's vulnerabilities, prioritising township safety over wealthy suburbs. The EFF is deeply rooted in communities, earning recognition as the party that cares and delivers justice. It addresses unfair dismissals, women's exploitation, denied education, and unemployment through direct campaigns. Under Commander-in-Chief Julius Malema, it challenges authority, echoing Marikana's radical spirit. This was evident in opposing electricity tariff hikes; the EFF welcomed the rejection of Eskom's 35% proposal, condemned approvals, and pressured for reviews. It fought the 2018 VAT increase from 14% to 15% as a burden on the poor and recently halted a 2025/26 proposal via legal challenges. The party also battles fuel price rises, fighting to block levy hikes through court action. This purpose has made the EFF a target of vicious attacks from the political elite and monopoly capital, as it threatens their interests. No other party faces such misrepresentation, but the EFF remains undeterred in pursuing justice. In Parliament, the EFF advances transformative laws, like the 2025 Student Debt Relief Bill by MP Sihle Lonzi. This Private Member's Bill proposes a fund to erase debts under criteria, secure qualifications despite arrears, and democratise education for impoverished youth, addressing economic liberation barriers. The EFF's commitment has recently shone during the June 2025 Eastern Cape floods in Mthatha and beyond, which destroyed lives and homes. The EFF led aid efforts, with CIC Julius Malema embodying empathy. Though the anniversary rally was planned for Mthatha, it was relocated to Khayelitsha in sensitivity to the victims' suffering, worsened by poverty and ANC neglect. Instead, support initiatives were launched, putting people first. This defines the EFF: a people's movement elevating communities. As Frantz Fanon said, political education teaches the poor that everything depends on them, the EFF lives by this wisdom. In as much as our representation in legislature is considered low, we continue to do the work ourselves, letting communities know, from Marikana to Mthatha 12 years later, that they can depend on us. * Carl Niehaus is an EFF Member of Parliament. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
eNCA
17 hours ago
- eNCA
African armies turn to drones with devastating civilian impact
The Easter period usually offers a rare respite in Gedeb, in Ethiopia's deeply troubled north, but on April 17 death rained from the skies in this sleepy town caught up in a war between rebels and the army. On this important holiday for Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant Christians, many families had gathered in the morning to repair the local primary school. But out of the blue, shortly before 11:00 am, "a drone fired on the crowd and pulverised many people right in front of my eyes", a resident told AFP. Ethiopia and many other African nations are increasingly turning to drones as a low-cost means of waging war, often with mixed military results but devastating consequences for civilian populations. Last year, Ethiopia carried out a total of 54 drone strikes, compared to 62 attacks in Mali, 82 in Burkina Faso and 266 in Sudan, according to data collected by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a US-based monitor. According to one of two Gedeb residents contacted by AFP, the strike killed "at least" 50 people, and according to the second, more than 100 -- a figure corroborated by several local media outlets. It is one of the deadliest in a series of drone attacks since the conflict began in August 2023, pitting the Ethiopian army against the Fano, the traditional "self-defence" militias of the Amhara ethnic group. A shoe seller at the scene, whose nephew was killed instantly, also blamed an armed drone that continued to "hover in the air" some 20 minutes after the strike. "The sight was horrific: there were heads, torsos and limbs flying everywhere and seriously injured people screaming in pain," he recalled. Ethiopian authorities have not released any information about this attack in Amhara, where the security situation makes some areas very difficult to access and communications are subject to significant restrictions. The Ethiopian army's use of drones, which began during the bloody Tigray War (2020-2022), has since spread to the Amhara and Oromia regions amid multiple insurgencies. In the Amhara region alone, now the hardest-hit, at least 669 people have been killed in more than 70 drone strikes since 2023, according to ACLED data analysed by AFP. - Low-cost - Remotely piloted aircraft used for reconnaissance and strikes -- low-cost technologies now ubiquitous in current conflicts and particularly in Ukraine -- are generating massive interest in Africa. Some 30 African governments have acquired drones, according to data cross-referenced by AFP from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) "Military Balance" and the Center for a New American Security's Drone Proliferation Dataset. For decades, wars in Africa had been fought on land, conducted primarily by light and mobile infantry units. "Drones offer sub-Saharan African militaries more affordable and flexible access to air power, which has been out of reach until now due to its cost and operational complexity," said Djenabou Cisse, a west African security specialist at the Foundation for Strategic Research. Countries like China, Turkey and Iran have the advantage of selling drones "without attaching any political conditionality related to respect for human rights", she added. Among African military commands, the most popular is undoubtedly the Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone, which, along with its big brother, the Akinci, has dethroned the Chinese Wing Loong in recent years. The TB2 made a notable appearance in 2019 in Libya, the first African theatre of drone warfare, between the Ankara-backed Government of National Accord and its eastern rival, Marshal Haftar, equipped with Chinese weapons supplied by the United Arab Emirates. The following year, its deployment in the Karabakh region during the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then in Ukraine starting in 2022, boosted its popularity. AFP/File | Adem ALTAN Orders soared and waiting lists grew. While contract details are kept secret, experts consulted by AFP estimate that a "system" of three drones costs nearly $6 million -- significantly less than the several tens of millions for a fighter jet or combat helicopter. This offsets its rather average performance, with a range limited to 150 kilometres. The TB2 is produced by private company Baykar, headed by the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It "is now an integral part of Turkey's foreign policy, whose strategy is to export its military products worldwide," said Batu Coskun, a researcher at the Sediq Institute in Tripoli. The growing footprint of Turkish drones in Africa is partly due to the fact that unlike the West, Ankara is free from the cumbersome export control procedures for military equipment. "It's essentially at the president's discretion," he said. - Turkish military cooperation - After severing ties with former colonial ruler France, the military regimes of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have turned to Turkish drones to attack jihadist fighters as well as separatists. In December last year, the Malian army eliminated a leader and several members of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a pro-independence coalition, in a drone attack. In November 2023, drones played a decisive role in the recapture of the northern Malian city of Kidal from predominantly Tuareg rebels. A senior Malian officer praised the "discretion" of Turkish military cooperation. "When you pay for military equipment in the West, it has to go through political agreements, negotiations," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "With Turkey, we have a speed that we don't have elsewhere, not even in Russia or China," two countries that also supply military equipment, he added. According to a young Malian surveillance drone pilot, who also wished to remain anonymous, the Turkish aircraft "are easy to pilot, which means we don't need a long training period". In Chad, four Turkish drones have replaced French fighter jets at the forward bases they occupied until N'Djamena ended its military cooperation agreements with France at the end of 2024. The latter had repeatedly provided air support to help the Chadian government halt the advance of rebels threatening the capital. AFP/File | STRINGER The capital N'Djamena is equipped with only five Russian Sukhoi aircraft and as many ageing Mi-24 helicopters. Contrary to Franco-Chadian relations, "there is no military cooperation agreement (between N'Djamena and Ankara) but a trade agreement that allows us to acquire military equipment", a Chadian officer told AFP. Turks are present to provide technical assistance and the former French bases are "entirely in the hands of the Chadian military", the same source added. This flexible cooperation on drones clearly illustrates the desire of some African leaders to "assert their sovereignty and greater strategic autonomy". said researcher Djenabou Cisse. - 'Extreme fear' - On the ground, however, the tactical and strategic gains from the use of drones do not always materialise, several experts said. "Drones alone cannot defeat an adversary," Cisse said, adding: "We saw this in Libya, where both sides had sophisticated drones, and more recently in Sudan, where each side uses drones, but with very unequal capabilities." Planet Labs PBC/AFP | - "Not only have these countries failed to fully stabilise but conflicts have often become entrenched or even escalated," the researcher added. Drones are proving especially decisive in open terrain, when the enemy is unable to disperse and hide as is the case with jihadists in the Sahel, according to a detailed study by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). In Ethiopia, they helped turn the tide of the conflict in Tigray at a key moment, giving a decisive advantage to federal forces without, however, securing a definitive victory. In the summer of 2021, a large column of Tigray rebel forces, which reached within 200 kilometres of Addis Ababa and threatened to seize the capital, was stopped by the arsenal of drones deployed by the government. Analysis of satellite images by Dutch peace organisation PAX at several Ethiopian air bases confirmed the presence of TB2s and, more recently, the Akinci, as well as Chinese Wing Loongs and Iranian Mohajer-6s. These drones have "significantly increased the Ethiopian army's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, as they can prowl for nearly 24 hours, track enemy movements, identify their positions, provide targeting information or directly strike targets," Wim Zwijnenburg, a drone specialist for PAX, told AFP. While the fighting subsequently focused primarily on Tigray, it continued into 2022 and high tensions remain in the region despite the conclusion of a fragile peace agreement, while other hotbeds of violent insurrection have spread to Amhara and Oromia. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his peace efforts with neighbouring Eritrea, is now regularly accused of indiscriminate abuses against the population. "The drones continued to target civilians despite the presence of sophisticated sensor systems, high-definition cameras and night vision," supposedly allowing for better threat identification, said Zwijnenburg, deploring "a lack of operator training or, in the worst case, a deliberate decision". In Gedeb, the small Amhara town targeted during Passover, residents contacted by AFP said there had been no fighting in the area in the run-up to the attack. They live in constant fear now. "We are ready to flee to the bush at any moment in the event of a sudden drone strike," said one of them. "We live in extreme fear."
IOL News
17 hours ago
- IOL News
ZANU–PF warns South Africa against US sanctions and Trump's influence
Zimbabwe's ruling party has come out strongly against a proposed US bill that could sanction ANC leaders, urging South Africa to stay firm and resist foreign intimidation. Image: AFP Zimbabwe's ruling party (ZANU–PF) says South Africa should not be intimidated by a proposed US bill that could empower President Donald Trump with 'superpowers' to impose sanctions on African National Congress (ANC) leaders. ZANU–PF spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa said the United States should not "misdirect itself" in its diplomatic relations with South Africa. 'These issues could be resolved without resorting to sanctions. But if America decides to go its own way, so be it - we've had over two decades of experience dealing with sanctions,' Mutsvangwa said. He made the comments on Friday at the ANC's 2025 Liberation Movements Summit in Kempton Park. He said the US' previous sanctions on Zimbabwe had not derailed the country's progress. 'They have not stopped Zimbabwe from making progress. On the contrary, we are now potentially the most dynamic economy on the African continent,' Mutsvangwa told Newzroom Afrika. 'Who would have thought that Zimbabwe would now be developing a third-world steel industry - one that even America might look at with a bit of jealousy?' Last year, the US imposed sanctions on Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, accusing him of serious human rights violations after his disputed victory in the 2023 elections. Relations between Washington and Harare have been strained for more than 20 years. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The US initially imposed economic and travel sanctions on Zimbabwe in the early 2000s, targeting the late President Robert Mugabe and several senior government officials, accusing them of eroding democratic principles. However, on March 4, 2024, former President Joe Biden officially ended the US sanctions program against Zimbabwe, lifting restrictions on all previously sanctioned individuals, entities, and assets under that policy. He encouraged South Africa to view the situation from a more optimistic perspective. 'Don't worry about being pushed around by superpowers. We've travelled that road before. We share experiences, and we have the resources anyway,' he added. This comes after reports that the US Congressman Ronny Jackson introduced the US and South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act of 2025, a bill that could sanction ANC leaders for allegedly supporting US adversaries, including China, Russia and Iran. On Thursday, President Cyril Ramaphosa addressed the issue while visiting BMW South Africa. 'We've heard what has happened in the House Committee, but the process still has a long way to go,' Ramaphosa said. 'Our bilateral dealings and engagements with the United States will continue, and we'll talk about all manner of things - including this issue.' Ramaphosa added that South Africa values its diplomatic relations with the US and hopes to strengthen them through continued dialogue. 'We are very positive that the outcome of our engagements with the United States will be comprehensive and all-encompassing, so we can return to good deals with the United States,' he said. IOL News previously reported that the ANC said it is pinning its hopes on Democrats in the US Congress, particularly those who supported the anti-apartheid movement, to block the bill. 'There are many Democrats, including those who were part of the anti-apartheid movements, who will stand up to caution Americans against supporting a president who wants to censor and undermine the sovereignty of other nations,' said ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri. Bengu-Motsiri said the ANC will vigorously oppose any attempt to isolate it through renewed sanctions. 'Remember, we come from a history where sanctions were imposed against the apartheid system,' she said. 'The ANC was also isolated by countries that worked closely with the apartheid regime, including the United States.' The bill, which was passed through the House Foreign Affairs and Judiciary Committees, will now be presented before the full US House of Representatives for a vote. IOL Politics
