
Govt Mandates Collecting, Recycling of Some Devices with Lithium-Ion Batteries Amid Fire Concerns
The new regulations will prohibit consumers from disposing the three types of products as general waste and require them to cooperate with stores and municipal facilities in collection initiatives.
The government will designate these products as 'specified resources-recycled products' under the Law for the Promotion of Effective Utilization of Resources. As for designated products, manufacturers and importers are obligated to conduct collections and recycling through organizations that handle such services.
The Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry and the Environment Ministry are expected to formalize this decision by as early as August, following discussions with manufacturers, importers and other relevant entities. These products will be added to the list of the specified products through a government ordinance when the revised law takes effect in April next year.
Under the new designation, businesses that fail to conduct collection and recycling operations will face fines. Consumers will be required to dispose of these items appropriately, such as by depositing them in designated collection boxes at electronics retailers or local government facilities. While there are no penalties for consumers, failure to comply could result in receiving instruction from local governments or being charged with violating the Law on Waste Management and Public Cleaning.
A survey conducted by the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry last year, which covered 43 cities nationwide, revealed that storage batteries amounted to 19.4% of lithium-ion battery-related items found in noncombustible waste, followed by heated tobacco products at 15.9% and movile phones at 12.4%.
According to the Environment Ministry, there were 21,751 incidents of smoke or fire caused by small lithium-ion batteries in waste collection vehicles, garbage-disposal facilities and other locations in fiscal 2023.
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Yomiuri Shimbun
2 days ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan, Ukraine Make Joint Statement on Further Promoting Economic Ties; Private Sector Collaboration to Be Supported
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Japan Times
2 days ago
- Japan Times
The EU's economic surrender only deepens its dependence on the U.S.
When U.S. President Donald Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen shook hands at Trump's Scottish golf resort late last month, they weren't just announcing a new trade deal — they were formalizing Europe's economic and ideological surrender. By agreeing to 15% tariffs on most exports to the United States, the European Union has capitulated to Trump's zero-sum worldview. In doing so, it has abandoned the principles of multilateralism that have long guided global trade. The economic consequences are immediate and severe. European exporters now face tariffs nearly 10 times higher than the previous trade-weighted average of 1.6%. Volkswagen alone has reported a €1.3 billion ($1.5 billion) hit due to higher U.S. tariffs. But the tariff rate itself is just part of the problem. The real damage lies in what the EU agreed to pay for the 'privilege' of maintaining access to the U.S. market: a commitment to purchase $750 billion worth of American energy over three years and to invest another $600 billion in the U.S. economy. These staggering sums will inevitably divert resources from European development and innovation while legitimizing bilateral coercion over the multilateral, rules-based World Trade Organization system. As critics have rightly pointed out, this massive outflow comes directly at the expense of domestic investment. What makes the EU's surrender especially troubling is how unnecessary it was. As America's largest economic partner, with nearly $1 trillion in annual trade, the EU has considerable leverage. While the U.S. runs a $235.6 billion goods deficit with the EU, the bloc's €148 billion services deficit with the U.S. offered clear avenues for retaliation, from digital taxes to restrictions on American tech giants. Weeks earlier, anticipating a stalemate, European policymakers had prepared counter tariffs targeting €93 billion worth of American goods. But the EU had far more potent weapons at its disposal. Its Anti-Coercion Instrument, for example, could have barred U.S. companies from government contracts, revoked intellectual-property rights and imposed broader trade restrictions. Yet national leaders, fearing Trump's retaliation and under pressure from domestic industries eager to maintain access to the U.S. market, refused to authorize von der Leyen to use any of these tools, forcing her to negotiate from a position of weakness. The contrast with other U.S. trading partners could not be starker. When the United Kingdom secured a 10% tariff rate from Trump in May, European leaders expressed concern about accepting similar terms. Now, they hail 15% tariffs on EU exports as a diplomatic breakthrough. 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While the immediate crisis may have passed, the long-term damage to EU credibility and autonomy will be long-lasting. The widespread perception that Europe surrenders without resistance will undoubtedly invite further challenges to European interests. Rather than attempting to shift the blame to von der Leyen, EU member states must ask themselves whether avoiding a trade war was worth abandoning Europe's foundational commitment to multilateralism and forfeiting any credible path toward strategic autonomy. Until European leaders find the courage to break the cycle of dependency by empowering EU institutions to act decisively against external coercion, these humiliating capitulations will only multiply, reducing the continent to a prosperous yet powerless appendage of the American empire. Alberto Alemanno, professor of European Union law at HEC Paris and visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges and Natolin, is founder of The Good Lobby and the author of "Lobbying for Change: Find Your Voice to Create a Better Society" (Icon Books, 2017). © Project Syndicate, 2025


Japan Times
2 days ago
- Japan Times
'Long COVID-19' hits the U.K. economy harder than most other countries
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Much of today's political and economic torpor can be traced to those two years of COVID-19, Leunig believes. However you cut it, and even if factors such as the formal separation from the European Union in January 2021 played a part, Britain has fared worse since the pandemic than peers. No advanced country bar Spain saw a sharper rise in the debt burden between 2019 and 2022 than the U.K. By 2024, Britain was out in front, with the biggest increase in net debt to GDP of all 33 advanced nations assessed by the International Monetary Fund. It was not inevitable. Denmark, Portugal and the Netherlands reduced their debt. Most countries found people were keener to work after the pandemic. Uniquely in the Group of Seven, participation fell in the U.K. as over a million people dropped on to health and disability benefits, costing £13 billion a year. Yet a House of Lords report found no evidence of worsening health in the population as a whole. "It does appear' that COVID-19 provided a training ground for people to claim welfare to prop up their incomes, Leunig says. "Sickness benefits are more generous than out-of-work benefits, so everybody wants to appear to be sick.' Productivity, the wellspring of living standards, crashed and GDP per head has yet to recover to pre-pandemic levels. Toxic legacy Britain's swollen national debt, high interest rates, rising benefit bill and lackluster growth have left a toxic legacy: a historic postwar tax burden and crumbling public services, as debt interest cannibalizes departmental budgets. It is no accident that dissatisfaction with the National Health Service is worse than it's been since the British Social Attitudes survey began in 1983. This new social contract, that the taxpayer pays more for less, is arguably what's driving voters to Nigel Farage's populist Reform party, which polling shows would top an election today. COVID-19's fingerprints are all over this economic decay. What grates most for Leunig is that, almost three years since the U.K. launched its COVID-19 inquiry, there is still no formal assessment of the economic response or any comprehensive cross-country comparison. Were nations with loose lockdowns like Sweden right? Should schools have closed? Britain's health outcomes are hardly an endorsement and are worse than Sweden, Germany, France and Spain. Commuters travel on the subway amid the COVID-19 pandemic, in London in January 2022. | Reuters The inquiry has published one report on the U.K.'s resilience and preparedness, but nothing conclusive on the nine other "modules.' Former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, who was chancellor of the exchequer in COVID-19 and advised by Leunig, suggested on the BBC's "Political Thinking" podcast in March the government had been too slavish in following the science. "All the decisions we made had trade-offs,' he says. "We should have spoken more openly about them. The broader reflection is, does our political discourse allow enough space for honest conversations?' The inquiry will stretch into 2026, lasting twice as long as COVID-19 itself, and is projected to cost over £200 million, the most expensive in U.K. history. Leunig is expected to give evidence on the economic interventions at the end of the year. "How much am I going to remember?' he asks. "Memory plays tricks on us.' COVID-19 waste Although his furlough program was credited with saving 4 million jobs, Leunig would be more sparing with handouts now. He would lower the salary limit to 70%, £1,750 in 2020, with a 20% contribution by the employer, replicating Germany's Kurzarbeit upon which furlough was based. In all, he estimates it could have been £10 billion cheaper. Other policies were also flawed, leaving aside the £9.9 billion written-off on personal protective equipment. Altogether, Leunig identifies £50 billion of savings, a quarter of the economic response and about 2% of GDP. He blasts the £30 billion Self-Employment Income Support Scheme, which perversely lifted claimants' income "above pre-pandemic levels' on average, the National Audit Office found. On the fraud-ridden £45 billion small business "bounce back' loan program, "I'm willing to see more firms go to the wall,' he says. There is "a special place in hell for capitalists who undermine capitalism,' he added about big businesses that kept hold of government support even as their sales rose. Perhaps most intriguing is the behavioral impact furlough may have had. Clare Lombardelli, the Bank of England deputy governor, has speculated that bailouts may be partly to blame for the weak recovery. The official government analysis is that furlough prevented economic "scarring' by keeping people tied to their jobs, preventing "hysteresis' where the long-term unemployed end up on the scrap heap. However, Jason Furman, former chair of U.S. President Barack Obama's Council of Economic Advisers, argued at a Resolution Foundation think tank event in April that furlough may instead have killed the dynamism that drives growth. "We had much more separation from jobs in the U.S. but productivity was better — and it might have been better because of that separation, not despite that separation,' Furman said. Lombardelli, at the same event, responded: "Does this mean we should rethink hysteresis? I think it does.' Leunig is skeptical but he and Lombardelli agree that too many questions remain unanswered. Lombardelli, a Treasury colleague of Leunig's during COVID-19, called on researchers to look into the furlough conundrum. Leunig wants clarity on how best to tackle the next pandemic. For many, the pandemic's legacy is personal. But it is personal economically, too, in the damage to living standards and public services. Leunig is impatient for answers. 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