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Trump wants DC to charge 14-year-olds as adults. Here's where the district's laws stand

Trump wants DC to charge 14-year-olds as adults. Here's where the district's laws stand

CNN3 hours ago
As hundreds of federal law enforcement officers and National Guard troops descend on Washington as part of President Donald Trump's public display of force against crime in the nation's capital, the president and his allies have increasingly directed their ire toward the city's juvenile crime laws.
More than two weeks after a 19-year-old former DOGE staffer was allegedly assaulted in DC by a group of teens, the president suggested that decades of Democratic leadership in the district were to blame for a system that seems to let violent juvenile offenders off the hook.
Youth arrests reached a post-pandemic high in 2023, before falling the following year, according to DC government statistics. But from January 2025 until the end of June, DC Metropolitan police had arrested juveniles at the highest rate in that time period since 2019.
'Local 'youths' and gang members, some only 14, 15, and 16-years-old, are randomly attacking, mugging, maiming, and shooting innocent Citizens, at the same time knowing that they will be almost immediately released,' Trump said on Truth Social earlier this month. 'The Law in DC must be changed to prosecute these 'minors' as adults, and lock them up for a long time, starting at age 14.'
Trump and US Attorney for the District of Columbia Jeanine Pirro's criticism of DC's juvenile justice system highlights a longstanding rift between the US attorney's office and that of the DC attorney general, which prosecutes juvenile offenses in the district.
The district's current laws don't allow juvenile offenders younger than 15 to be prosecuted as adults in the vast majority of cases. But offenders under 18 can still end up in the adult justice system in one of two ways. Federal prosecutors from the DC US attorney's office can unilaterally charge 16 and 17-year-olds as adults when facing four of the most serious criminal charges on the books: murder, sexual assault, armed robbery, and assault with conspiracy to commit the three offenses.
Alternatively, the district's attorney general's office – which has jurisdiction over most juvenile crimes – can petition a judge to charge juvenile offenders 15 and up as adults but must prove that the defendant lacks 'reasonable prospects for rehabilitation' in the juvenile system.
In a statement, a spokeswoman for the DC attorney general's office touted the office's prosecution rates for violent juvenile offenses, writing that the office 'prosecutes all serious and violent crimes committed by juveniles where we have the evidence required to do so, and we seek to hold young people accountable if they harm others.'
Trump ally Pirro, who was confirmed this month as US Attorney for DC, has targeted three laws to change or overturn.
The top DC federal prosecutor last week attacked the district's 2018 Youth Rehabilitation Act, which was enacted to 'separate youth offenders from more mature, experienced offenders,' citing the case of a 19-year-old who shot another Metrobus passenger and was sentenced to probation under the act. The law raised the upper age limit of juvenile offenders for sentencing purposes from 22 to 24 in 2018 – and permits judges to seal convictions after offenders serve their sentences, except in cases of homicide and sexual abuse.
Pirro similarly criticized the 2021 Incarceration Reduction Amendment Act, which lets all offenders convicted before age 25 to ask for a sentencing reduction after serving 15 years in prison. The law requires judges to evaluate 11 factors – ranging from the defendant's own childhood abuse history and mental health evaluations to victims' statements – in determining whether the petitioner poses a danger to any community member, and that the 'interests of justice' warrant a sentence modification.
'I know evil when I see it, no matter the age – and the violence in DC committed by young people belongs in criminal court, not family court,' Pirro said in a statement to CNN. 'We're not dealing with kids who need a pat on the back – we're dealing with a wave of brutal violence that demands a serious response. While others debate causes, families are burying loved ones, and the only way to stop this is to treat violent offenders like the criminals they are.'
She also claimed that the 2022 Second Chance Amendment Act allows for the 'stunning erasure of criminal convictions' by allowing all defendants to move for certain criminal convictions to be sealed or expunged.
Some criminal justice experts and local officials say that Trump and Pirro's vision for DC is out-of-date and harkens back to the rhetoric of historic crime waves in the 1990s.
Compared to their counterparts at the US attorney's office, the DC attorney general's office 'is much more grounded in research about what works and what doesn't work and about what is developmentally appropriate,' said Eduardo Ferrer, an associate professor of law and policy director of the Juvenile Justice Initiative at Georgetown University.
'I'm not prepared to just throw away the key on our young people, and most people are not,' said DC Councilmember Christina Henderson, adding that she believes that attacks largely ignore the complexities of the city's justice system. 'I feel strongly that the district should be able to make that decision for themselves, because these are our kids.'
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Founder fraud isn't an outlier: it's a design flaw
Founder fraud isn't an outlier: it's a design flaw

Fast Company

timea minute ago

  • Fast Company

Founder fraud isn't an outlier: it's a design flaw

Another month, another founder accused of fraud. This time it's Christine Hunsicker of CaaStle, indicted on July 18 for allegedly falsifying financial records, misrepresenting profits, and continuing fraud even after her removal by the board. According to reports, before meeting with an audit firm, she searched online for the terms 'fraud,' 'created an audit firm fake,' and 'JP morgan 4m records faked'—an apparent reference to fraud charges related to yet another disgraced founder, Charlie Javice of Frank. These incidents are no longer outliers. They're becoming a pattern, and the startup world has yet to confront what that the pattern reveals: The startup ecosystem is designed to encourage deception. Risk-taking and self-confidence We all know that most founders share a penchant for risk-taking and a healthy sense of self-confidence. But couple these characteristics with the relentless assault of pressures that constitute daily startup life, and you have a recipe for trouble. Risk-taking slips into recklessness, and confidence metastasizes into outright narcissism. Lying is the norm. Particularly during the early stages, a 'Growth at All Costs' imperative means that startups feel obliged to pursue aggressive growth to secure high valuations and attract continuous investment rounds. This pressure can lead founders to inflate metrics, fabricate success, or conceal failures to maintain investor confidence. Sam Bankman-Fried of FTX secretly transferred customer funds to his trading firm, Alameda Research, concealing these movements and misleading stakeholders. From optimism to deception A 'Fake It Till You Make It' culture means that what starts as harmless optimism can easily escalate into deliberate deception. Founders initially omit negative details, then progressively falsify data to uphold illusions of success. Nikola founder Trevor Milton exaggerated product capabilities, even staging videos of a nonoperational electric truck rolling down a hill. The brutal demands of fundraising result in constant pressure to secure funding and maintain operational cash flow, which often pushes founders to compromise ethically. The necessity to present a highly favorable narrative to investors encourages fraudulent embellishments. Combined with a lack of oversight and governance, especially in early-stage startups, this leaves founders unchecked, increasing opportunities for fraud. Early investors and boards often fail to provide rigorous oversight due to limited motivation or expertise. A gradual process White-collar fraud is always a gradual process. No one jumps straight into the deep end of the criminality pool. Law enforcement officials have a '10:10:80' rule of thumb when it comes to white-collar fraud: 10% of people would never commit fraud, 10% of people are actively seeking out opportunities to commit fraud, and 80% of people have the potential to commit fraud if the timing and circumstances are right. The vast majority of these founders probably started in the 80%, along with most of the rest of us. It often begins with minor embellishments aimed at securing initial investment. Successful deception attracts further funding, creating a self-reinforcing cycle. But as the discrepancies between reality and claims widen, founders face intensified pressure to maintain their narratives, resorting to increasingly severe fraud to conceal earlier lies. Witness Christine Hunsicker's continued deception even after her board had essentially kicked her out of her company. Seismic consequences The consequences of all this founder misbehavior can be cataclysmic. They extend well beyond the direct financial losses to investors. Broader investor confidence deteriorates, leading to reduced funding availability for legitimate startups. Employees suffer job losses, reputational damage, and psychological distress. Customers can experience direct harm, as in Theranos's false medical test results. The broader innovation ecosystem becomes risk-averse, slowing innovation due to increased regulatory scrutiny and cautious investment behaviors. Potential time bombs To mitigate this deadly cocktail of ego and pressure, we first need to understand that all founders are potential time bombs: the same traits that help them secure money, talent, and press are the ones that can eventually lead to their undoing. The old method was pretty straightforward: fire the founder, and replace them with a manager. But that only leads to zombie companies that stifle innovation in the crib. Startup founders are constantly being gaslit. They're being flattered as geniuses and world-changers on a daily basis. Many of their direct reports are sharp, canny careerists who only want to share good news. It's easy to see how people can lose perspective and start believing their own hype within the 'emperor's new clothes' environment of a startup. These people need perspective in order to curb the worst tendencies of startup culture. Every founder should cultivate a 'star chamber' of mentors who are removed from the everyday persecutions of the startup in question (perhaps an older CEO, or a colleague from an accelerator program, or a startup blogger you admire). They need advice from people whom I call 'models of values': transparency, accountability, and ethical leadership. Many boards are sadly hopeless at this, because they're complicit in the success (at all costs) of the startup. Oversight and accountability On the stick side of the carrot and stick approach, however, these people also need oversight and accountability. Their boards and investors must actively engage in governance roles, monitoring company practices and demanding transparency. They need to ensure financial transparency and operational integrity through audits and detailed reference checks. To prevent the next Hunsicker, Javice, Bankman-Fried, or Holmes, we need to confront the cultural rot at the core of startup life. We still need ambitious entrepreneurs to drive innovation, but not within a system that rewards deception and punishes transparency. Unless we change the rules of the game—by rethinking incentives, strengthening oversight, and investing in founder development—we'll keep producing brilliant visionaries who become cautionary tales.

Republicans are making a very simple, unforced mistake with Latino voters
Republicans are making a very simple, unforced mistake with Latino voters

Vox

time2 minutes ago

  • Vox

Republicans are making a very simple, unforced mistake with Latino voters

is a correspondent at Vox, where he covers the Democratic Party. He joined Vox in 2022 after reporting on national and international politics for the Atlantic's politics, global, and ideas teams, including the role of Latino voters in the 2020 election. A boy holds a flag a peaceful protest and vigil where six workers were taken by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement on June 18, 2025, in Pasadena, all the talk of a new, lasting multiracial coalition that helped elect Donald Trump, there are clues that this support may be wavering, particularly among Latino voters. Polls show the president's approval rating with this group has plummeted since the last election, and a third of Latinos who voted for him say they are unlikely to back a Republican candidate in the next one. This collapse happened for a few reasons. Latino voters are not only souring on the president generally, but also on his handling of key issues like immigration and the economy — the very topics that boosted his support with them initially. And curiously, this decline in support for the president isn't translating into a surge for Democrats. Instead, many Latino voters express dissatisfaction with both parties. Today, Explained Understand the world with a daily explainer, plus the most compelling stories of the day. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. This shifting dynamic suggests that both parties have been operating on flawed assumptions over the last few years. Democrats made the mistake of treating Latinos as a monolithic group, focusing on social justice issues while failing to address economic concerns that were pushing these voters toward the GOP. Now, Republicans may be poised to make a similar mistake. They have largely viewed these voters as Republicans-in-waiting, banking on a rightward drift that they assume extends to the most extreme parts of the conservative social agenda. This approach risks alienating a large segment of the Latino electorate. Ultimately, both parties are learning a crucial lesson: Demographics aren't destiny, and they need a more nuanced understanding of this diverse and rapidly changing group of voters. The Democrats' shrinking Latino majority Over the last decade, Trump has remade the American electorate with the help of Latino voters. Back in 2016, his highly racialized and polarizing election victory resulted in one of the worst performances with Latino voters in modern history, winning fewer than three in 10 Hispanic and Latino voters, well below average for Republican candidates. But splits began to develop among Latino communities in the US over the next few years. Working class, non-college educated, and male Latinos, as well as those from Florida and the Southwest, began to drift away from Democrats, particularly at the national level. They were more intrigued by Republican pitches centered around the economy, small business growth, and affordability. At the same time, Democrats were hesitant to admit they had an issue with the Latino population, quibbling over messaging and campaign investments while missing the plot. By the time of the 2020 election, Trump had managed to not just recover his party's losses in 2016, but expand on them, shrinking the Democratic advantage with Latinos by nearly 20 points. Democrats, it turns out, misread Latino voters' priorities and beliefs, gradually losing support from the peak they had from 2012 to 2016 (when Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton enjoyed 40-point margins). The party largely approached Latinos as 'voters of color,' marginalized minorities who could be mobilized through appeals to identity, immigrant solidarity, and social justice. For some time, this worked, but Latinos weren't behaving like a monolithic group. Instead, Latinos would fracture and become more dissimilar during this time, with various kinds of evangelicals, border residents, naturalized immigrants, and working class Latinos remaining or becoming more conservative as the Democratic Party and its white, college-educated base became more progressive. Particularly on issues like crime, immigration and the border, and gender roles and identity, the liberal positions that Democrats took — or were portrayed to take — were out of step with the views of many conservative and moderate Latinos from 2020 to 2024. In 2021, the Pew Research Center found that the most liberal, educated, and politically engaged Democrats exerted outsized influence on their party. By the 2024 election, this created an opening for Republicans, as Latino voters expressed greater openness to Trump and the GOP's stances on the economy, immigration, and abortion. By then, their votes had begun to follow some of their beliefs. Republican gains came quickly As Democrats stumbled, Republicans stuck to a different approach: treating Latinos as a new kind of white voter. They doubled down on a hawkish and xenophobic immigration message that seemed to resonate with a large minority of Latinos, spoke of the border as an issue of crime and public safety, and talked nonstop about prices and affordability to exploit the lack of trust in Democrats' stewardship of the economy. Republicans sought to make the old Reagan line that, 'Hispanics are conservatives, [but] they just don't know it yet,' come true by hammering home the idea that Kamala Harris and the Democratic Party were too radical and out of touch. This approach worked. Latinos concerned with immigration and the economy shifted to Republicans, and Trump posted a double-digit boost in support among Latinos, shrinking the Democratic advantage another 20 points. Continued Latino support is not a given An array of data suggest that this advantage is looking more short-lived, largely because Republicans aren't taking into account the nuances of Latino voters. The GOP still did not win a majority of Latinos last year — and much of the boost was from disaffected Democrats or more moderate, disengaged Latinos who don't have the same strong ideological leanings as the primarily white MAGA base. Latino voters are rapidly changing, existing as both a racial minority and an assimilating, formerly immigrant generation. The most recent evidence for this divergence comes from two research projects undertaken by the Democratic-aligned Equis Research group. In the spring, they tracked growing dissatisfaction among Latino voters with Trump's handling of the economy, cost of living, and immigration. Even among what Equis calls 'Biden defectors,' those former Democrats who switched to supporting Trump in 2024, a slight majority were beginning to turn on Trump's economic policies. This dynamic extended to immigration, where an overwhelming majority of all Latino voters thought the administration's actions were 'going too far and targeting the types of immigrants who strengthen our nation.' Some 36 percent of Trump-voting Latinos said the same thing, and a majority of Biden defectors, some 64 percent, felt the same way. This suggests some degree of remaining immigrant solidarity among these swingier, evolving segments of the Latino electorate and disapproval over how mass deportations and aggressive anti-immigrant policies will affect law-abiding immigrants and their families. Nearly two-thirds of Latinos in Equis' polling believe that the Trump administration's actions 'will make it difficult for hardworking Latinos to feel safe, by increasing racial profiling and harassing all Latinos regardless of immigration status.' In other words, there is a limit to what various kinds of Latino voters are willing to stomach. The same dynamic is becoming more clear with regards to the economy, where Latino voters, and new Trump voters specifically, are unhappy with the state of the economy. Biden defectors, Equis finds, are net negative on Trump's economic policies: -6 percent of support in May and -8 percent in July. Whether this dynamic not only hurts the GOP but also helps Democrats is unclear. Although many Latino voters still believe Republicans favor the wealthy over the working class, this long-standing sentiment is no longer pushing them toward the Democratic Party. Instead, they increasingly distrust both parties on this question. But together, these signs suggest that the GOP is going too far with their policy and ideological mission in Trump's second term, turning off the new converts they won to their coalition over the last 10 years. Where the parties go from here The two major parties are making errors with Latino voters. Both have to moderate their policy and ideological approaches while bringing more nuance to how they campaign. Latinos do have some things that bind them together, and they are not just like white voters who can ignore discrimination and scapegoating and uprooting of their extended community's lives (as immigration enforcement is showing). At the same time, they need to be talked to with more nuance. Democrats tried to do this in 2024, moderating on immigration, dropping the usage of the term 'Latinx,' and investing in hyper-specific, hyper-local campaigning with various kinds of Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, Puerto Ricans, and others. But there was only so much campaigning they could do when facing a wave of anti-Biden, anti-incumbent electoral sentiment. Republicans, meanwhile, toned down immigration talk and zeroed in on subgroups of the Latino electorate in battleground states in 2020. They appealed to religious and ideological conservatives — Cuban, South American, and Puerto Rican communities in Florida, as well as border communities in Arizona, Nevada, and Texas. Some of this nuanced campaigning did carry over to 2024, but it focused more on young and male Latinos in general. And 2024 saw a return to a kind of dog-whistle, racialized, and anti-immigrant scapegoating, which helped the anti-incumbent tide.

Nationwide Anti-Trump Protests Planned For Labor Day: What to Know
Nationwide Anti-Trump Protests Planned For Labor Day: What to Know

Newsweek

time2 minutes ago

  • Newsweek

Nationwide Anti-Trump Protests Planned For Labor Day: What to Know

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. A series of nationwide anti-Donald Trump protests are set to take place on Labor Day. 50501, a group that emerged in early 2025 and is short for "50 protests, 50 states, one day," called their latest series of protests "Workers Over Billionaires." Newsweek contacted the organizers by email to comment on this story. Why It Matters Since assuming office in January, there have been multiple coordinated protests from different groups against Trump with people speaking out against his cuts to government departments, strict immigration policies and handling of the economy among other issues. August 16, 2025: Protesters gathered on the south steps of the Texas State Capitol for Fight the Trump Takeover, National Day of Action, and redistricting rally. Austin, Texas. August 16, 2025: Protesters gathered on the south steps of the Texas State Capitol for Fight the Trump Takeover, National Day of Action, and redistricting rally. Austin, Texas. Mario Cantu/CSMCredit Image: © Mario Cantu/Cal Sport Media) (Cal Sport Media via AP Images One protest took place on the Memorial Day weekend, while others targeted Flag Day and Trump's birthday. Another took place in Scotland when protesters demonstrated against Trump's recent visit to the country. Protests will put pressure on the president and weaken the extent to which he can say he commands broad support. However, the protests are not universal either and the President is still popular with his supporters. What To Know The protest takes place on Labor Day, a federal holiday dating back to 1894 recognizing workers' contributions to America. This year, it falls on September 1. On the website, the organizers listed the following demands: Stop the billionaire takeover corrupting our government. Protect and defend Medicaid, Social Security, and other programs for working people. Fully funded schools, and health care and housing for all. Stop the attacks on immigrants, Black, indigenous, trans people, and all our communities. Invest in people not wars." They posted a picture of a map detailing where some of the protests will take place. A map shows some of the protests taking place on Labor Day. A map shows some of the protests taking place on Labor Day. What People Are Saying Speaking to Newsweek, Mark Shanahan who teaches American politics at the University of Surrey in the U.K. said: "Trump won't be too worried about protests. He never has to run for election again and doesn't need to win round those who oppose him. Protests won't surprise him. Close to half the country didn't vote for him in 2024 and rather than use his presidency to heal the nation, he has gone out of his way through DOGE, ICE, deploying The National Guard and a slew of divisive Executive Orders, to fan the flames of division. "It will play into his narrative of ongoing American carnage for these protests to get out of hand and turn violent," he added. "Trump loves a fight and to cast himself as some kind of blonde avenger. So, in order to have any impact, these protests need to take a different line. The one thing Trump really hates is being laughed at. He despises being humiliated. Governor Gavin Newsom of California is having an impact through his memes trolling Trump. They're clearly getting under the president's notoriously thin skin. If 50501 can build on that vibe and use humor to expose some of the Administration's failings, they may prick Trump's pomposity in a way that could damage Republican chances in the Midterms next year." A statement posted on the protest's website read: "Labor and community are planning more than a barbecue on Labor Day this year because we have to stop the billionaire takeover. Billionaires are stealing from working families, destroying our democracy, and building private armies to attack our towns and cities. "Just like any bad boss, the way we stop the takeover is with collective action. We are May Day Strong, working people rising up to stop the billionaire takeover—not just through the ballot box or the courts, but through building a bigger and stronger movement. "On Sept. 1 we will continue the movement we launched on May 1st. Thousands of communities across the country are taking a stand on Labor Day, join us!" What Happens Next In a separate protest, the AFL-CIO is organizing nationwide rallies on Labor Day to build support for workers. More protests against the Trump administration are likely to take place as his presidency continues.

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