US solar panel makers request tariffs on Indonesia, Laos and India
PAK YIU
NEW YORK -- A coalition of U.S. solar manufacturers petitioned the federal government on Thursday to impose tariffs on imports from four Asian countries, a move targeted at Chinese and Indian companies.
First Solar and three other manufacturers say companies in Indonesia, Laos and India are dumping solar cells in the U.S. market at prices below the cost of production, leaving domestic manufacturers unable to compete.
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The Diplomat
30 minutes ago
- The Diplomat
Modi Comes to Malé: ‘Neighborhood First' Meets ‘Maldives First'
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in the Maldives on July 25 for a two-day state visit to the archipelago, during which he attended the celebrations marking the 60th anniversary of the island nation's independence from Britain in 1965. The state visit, the first to be hosted by the Maldives' incumbent President Mohamed Muizzu since his election in 2023, came at a significant juncture in the trajectory of their bilateral relations and the regional dynamics of South Asia, in general. This was Modi's first state visit within South Asia since the terrorist attack in Pahalgam pushed India and Pakistan into a conflict. Muizzu greeted Modi on his arrival at the airport. The leaders witnessed a military parade and cultural performances to mark the occasion. During their joint press briefing, they underlined strategic cooperation in the Indian Ocean region and addressed shared concerns on climate change and diasporic linkages. Burnishing their defense ties, Modi inaugurated the new building housing the Maldivian Defense Ministry, constructed with Indian financial assistance. India also offered a concession on debt servicing, besides extending a new credit line worth $565 million. The visit holds special significance as it came after the signing of a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Arrangement between the United Kingdom and India. By juxtaposing the progress in its bilateral ties with Britain with the reaffirmation of its proximity with the Maldives, India has brought its Neighborhood First strategy closer to the Link West strategy. Enduring Proximity Through Historical Currents India and the Maldives have historically enjoyed cordial relations. India was one of the first countries to extend diplomatic recognition to the Maldives after it secured its independence from Britain; by 1976, both countries had concluded an enduring maritime border agreement, which settled the dispute around the control of the Minicoy Island. The Ibrahim Nasir-led nation-state became a member of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1976. In the 1980s, India-Maldives cooperation mushroomed under the ambit of the Colombo Plan and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). The dispatch of Indian troops to quell a coup d'état against President Gayoom in 1988 invigorated bilateral ties, adding new verticals of security and defense and elevating their ties to what Gayoom's foreign minister described as a 'model friendship.' India supported the Maldives' transition to multiparty electoral democracy in 2008, but since then, its engagement has become increasingly entangled in the web of political expediency and ideological divides. In asymmetric bilateral relationships, it is not unusual for the larger power to be subject to intense scrutiny and shifting perceptions. However, Malé's domestic political dynamics have exaggerated this tendency, producing an extraordinary oscillation in the perception of India – ranging from the embrace of an 'India First' policy under leaders like Mohamed Nasheed and Ibrahim Solih to the assertive 'pro-China' tilt seen during Abdulla Yameen's presidency. Mutual Interests, Strategic Continuity Modi's visit reinforced the recalibration of India-Maldives ties, which had turned frosty after Muizzu's election on an 'India Out' platform. The trend was already well underway; Muizzu was present at the swearing-in of the third Modi Cabinet in 2024 and then made a state visit to India in October. The reset offers lessons in pragmatist, interest-driven foreign policy. India's position in this calculus is favorable on at least three counts. First, India has established itself as the first responder to crises in the Maldives. In 2004, India's Navy launched Operation Castor immediately after the tsunami: three vessels and rescue helicopters, loaded with food, medical supplies, and water, were dispatched to the Maldives, in addition to disbursing $2.4 million in budgetary assistance. A decade later, Malé's water crisis prompted Indian support. During its financial crisis, the Maldives has benefited from a $760 million currency swap arrangement with India, as well as a roll-over of a $50 million treasury bill. Second, India continues to be one of the biggest development partners in the Maldives, having contributed to healthcare, social infrastructure, and connectivity since the beginning of relations. India invested $80 million in land reclamation and shore protection around Addu and inaugurated the Addu City Hankede in 2024. The flagship Greater Malé Connectivity Project – a 6.74 km bridge and causeway network linking the capital to three islands – is the largest infrastructure project in the country's history, financed under Indian soft credit. Over the years, India has invested in High Impact Community Development Projects (HICDPs), emphasizing decentralization of development and empowerment of the atolls, focusing on mental health, sports, and sustainable power generation. Third, the two countries' geographical proximity underpins maritime interdependence. As highlighted by Muizzu, India is the Maldives' closest neighbor. Separated by just 400 nautical miles, the Maldives is crucial to India's Neighborhood First strategy and MAHASAGAR vision. The archipelago sits astride critical sea lanes of communication in the Western and Central Indian Ocean, through which 80 percent of India's energy imports transit. Synergistic defense cooperation is paramount for maritime domain awareness, coastal mapping, anti-piracy activities, and surveillance. Need for Pragmatism: Maldives' Multi-Alignment Although Modi's visit burnished the partnership, caution and diplomatic patience are still the order of the day. Muizzu's electoral rhetoric and the 'India Out' campaign now seem distant, but it would be premature to interpret the warmth in bilateral ties in the same vein as Solih's 'India First' strategy. Rather, Maldivian voices have repeatedly underscored that their foreign policy will be guided by a 'Maldives First' strategy. Malé recognizes the potential and importance of its ties with India but has not – and will not – hesitate to widen its diplomatic heft by reaching out to a myriad of partners, including those with whom New Delhi does not concur on regional affairs. Muizzu began his presidency with a rupture in diplomatic tradition: instead of choosing New Delhi for his first state visit, Muizzu eyed the Middle East, introducing a new sphere of interest for Maldivian foreign policy. Muizzu visited Ankara in November 2023, securing guarantees on investment, acquiring drones, and paving the way for preferential trade by concluding a trade and economic cooperation agreement. In addition, he has thrice visited Saudi Arabia – to perform the hajj and umrah, and to attend the Arab-Islamic Summit on Gaza. The Saudi Fund for Development has financed the upgrade of the Velena Airport through concessional lending worth $217 million. The ambitious Maldives International Finance Centre is being financed by a Dubai-based, Qatari-owned investment fund. An abiding theme of Muizzu's foreign policy is the emphasis on the country's Islamic identity. The Maldives shot into the global spotlight for banning Israeli tourists and backing South Africa's appeal against Israel at the International Court of Justice, alleging genocide in Gaza. The logic behind this is clear: Muizzu's electoral fortunes correlate with the remit of Islamist politics in the country. Thus, his foreign policy highlights the Maldives' reinvigorated role as a republic with an Islamic ethos in the international community. Muizzu's visit to Malaysia was rich in symbolism as the president invoked shared Islamic heritage. His engagement with the Maldivian diaspora replicates domestic repertoires of Islamic piety, which will inevitably drive Malé closer to member-states in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Simultaneously, while Muizzu has carefully distanced himself from Yameen's overt pro-China tilt, the allure of Chinese development finance is unlikely to fade soon. The Maldives owes over $1.4 billion to Chinese lenders. The Sinamalé Bridge remains a flagship of Chinese development finance in the country. China's ocean research vessel was granted permission to dock in Maldivian ports in 2024; both countries signed an agreement on Chinese military assistance during the summit between Muizzu and Jinping. Modi's visit, thus, will not rupture the Maldives' ties with other partners. But it will burnish the India-Maldives bilateral relationship, especially if the momentum is carried forward. The conclusion of an agreement on fisheries emphasizes the shared opportunities in the blue economy. It is important for Malé and New Delhi to elevate the importance of the regional security architecture and its instruments, including the Colombo Security Conclave, in which the Maldives did not participate in 2023, deteriorating ties with India. India, having met 70 percent of the training needs of the Maldivian National Defense Force, must continue its capacity-building initiatives and increase their stakes: in addition to just providing surveillance and radar capabilities, for instance, India must empower Maldivian technology by sharing best practices. India-Maldives concerns must also encompass frontier technologies, especially in disaster prevention and mapping, and cybersecurity. Maldivian polity is delicately poised: the Muizzu regime has proposed sweeping electoral reforms, including the potential dismantling of atoll councils. These changes make a national referendum imminent, likely intensifying domestic polarization. In this fledgling landscape, India must exercise continuity, restraint, and strategic patience to avoid being drawn into Malé's internal political churn. By meeting with the cross-party Maldives–India Friendship Group, the Indian prime minister signaled that India will continue to seek bipartisan support for the relationship. In a nutshell, pragmatism must underpin India's Maldives policy – one that safeguards long-term interests without compromising democratic sensibilities or inviting unnecessary entanglement.
Asahi Shimbun
2 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
China's solar giants quietly shed a third of their workforces last year
Workers carry solar panels to install them at a solar farm in the desert, in Lingwu, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, China April 14, 2025. (China Daily via REUTERS) BEIJING--China's biggest solar firms shed nearly one-third of their workforces last year, company filings show, as one of the industries hand-picked by Beijing to drive economic growth grapples with falling prices and steep losses. The job cuts illustrate the pain from the vicious price wars being fought across Chinese industries, including solar and electric vehicles, as they grapple with overcapacity and tepid demand. The world produces twice as many solar panels each year as it uses, with most of them manufactured in China. Longi Green Energy, Trina Solar, Jinko Solar, JA Solar, and Tongwei, collectively shed some 87,000 staff, or 31% of their workforces on average last year, according to a Reuters review of employment figures in public filings. Analysts say the previously unreported job losses were likely a mix of layoffs and attrition due to cuts to pay and hours as companies sought to stem losses. Layoffs are politically sensitive in China, where Beijing views employment as key to social stability. Other than a 5% cut acknowledged by Longi last year, none of the firms mentioned above have announced any job cuts or responded to questions from Reuters. 'The industry has been facing a downturn since the end of 2023,' said Cheng Wang, an analyst at Morningstar. 'In 2024, it actually got worse. In 2025, it looks like it's getting even worse.' Since 2024, more than 40 solar firms have delisted, gone bankrupt or been acquired, according to a presentation by the photovoltaic industry association in July. China's solar manufacturers built new factories at a fever pitch between 2020 and 2023 as the state redirected resources from the sinking property sector to what it used to call the 'new three' growth industries: solar panels, electric cars and batteries. That building spree led to falling prices and a brutal price war made worse by U.S. tariffs thrown up against exports from the many Chinese-owned factories in Southeast Asia. The industry lost $60 billion last year. MORE TO COME While analysts say it is unclear whether job cuts continued this year, Beijing is increasingly signaling it intends to intervene to cut capacity, sending polysilicon prices soaring nearly 70% in July while solar panel prices have increased more modestly. Major polysilicon producer GCL told Reuters on Thursday that top producers plan to set up an OPEC-like entity to control prices and supply. The group is also setting up a 50-billion yuan vehicle to buy and shut around a third of the industry's lower-quality production capacity. President Xi Jinping in early July called for an end to 'disorderly price competition,' and three days later the industry ministry pledged to calm price wars and retire outdated production capacity during a meeting with solar industry executives. While Beijing has not said when or how it will act, a source with direct knowledge of the matter said it was determined to focus on the issue before the end of the current five-year plan this year. Officials in eastern China's Anhui province, a manufacturing hub, told solar company executives in June to stop adding new manufacturing and shut production lines operating at under 30% capacity, according to two industry sources who declined to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter. A board member at a solar firm in the province said new capacity had already required verbal approval from powerful state planner the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) this year. They asked for their company's name to be withheld because the discussions were private. NO EASY FIX But many provincial governments are likely to be reluctant to crack down hard on overcapacity, analysts say. These officials are scored on jobs and economic growth and are loathe to see local champions sacrificed to meet someone else's target. Trina Solar's chairman told an industry conference in June that new projects had begun this year despite the NDRC calling for a halt in February. The foot-dragging reflects the scale of the cull required. Jefferies analyst Alan Lau estimated at least 20-30% of manufacturing capacity would have to be eliminated for companies to return to profitability. 'There's a lot of overcapacity in China, like steel, like cement, but you don't see any industry in the past having industry-wide cash loss for one and a half years already,' Lau said. Company-level losses are on the same scale as in real estate, another crisis-hit sector, even though solar is only about one-tenth the size, he said. 'This is highly unusual and highly abnormal.'
Asahi Shimbun
2 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
China's fiery baijiu spirit evolves to attract younger drinkers
A worker pours a cup of Green Plum Liqueur, a mix handcrafted single sorghum baijiu with plum juice as she introducing the new fruit-infused baijiu to reporters during a media organized tour at Jiangxiaobai Liquor Co.'s Jiangji Distillery in southwestern China's Chongqing on May 19, 2025. (AP Photo) BEIJING--The centuries-old fiery Chinese spirit baijiu, long associated with business dinners, is being reshaped to appeal to younger generations as its makers adapt to changing times. Mostly distilled from sorghum, the clear but pungent liquor contains as much as 60% alcohol. It's the usual choice for toasts of 'gan bei,' the Chinese expression for bottoms up, and raucous drinking games. 'If you like to drink spirits and you've never had baijiu, it's kind of like eating noodles but you've never had spaghetti,' said Jim Boyce, a Canadian writer and wine expert who founded World Baijiu Day a decade ago. The annual event aims to promote the traditional liquor, which is far less known internationally than whiskey or vodka. Moutai, a kind of baijiu made in mountainous Guizhou province in southwestern China, is known as the country's 'national liquor.' Perhaps its biggest endorsement came in 1974, when U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger banqueted with Deng Xiaoping, who would later become China's top leader. 'I think if we drink enough Moutai, we can solve anything,' Kissinger said. 'Then, when I return to China, we must take steps to increase our production of it,' Deng replied, according to an archived document from the U.S. State Department's Office of the Historian. Price fluctuations of Feitian Moutai, the liquor's most famous brand, serve as a barometer for China's baijiu market. This year, its price has dropped by 36% after four consecutive years of decline, according a report by the China Alcoholic Drinks Association. The report forecast China's baijiu production will likely fall for the eighth straight year in 2025. Baijiu consumption has dropped as people spend more cautiously, cutting back on banquets and drinking due to a weaker economy. Perennial anti-corruption campaigns by the ruling Communist Party targeting lavish official dinners have taken a harsh toll. In May, the party issued new rules banning cigarettes and alcohol during work meals. China's drinking culture is evolving, with younger people keen to protect their health and less inclined to overindulge or be bound by rigid social conventions. Faced with far more choices, they might instead opt for whiskey, wine or non-alcoholic alternatives. 'There is an old saying in China: 'No banquet is complete without alcohol.' It means in the past, without alcohol there is no social lubricant,' 30-year-old Chi Bo said while having cocktails with friends in Beijing's chic Sanlitun area. 'People no longer want to drink alcohol or tend to drink less but they can still sit together and even discuss serious affairs,' Chi said. 'Most of the people don't want to drink alcohol unless they have to.' Baijiu makers are responding with creative innovations like baijiu-flavored ice cream. Kweichou Moutai partnered with China's Luckin' Coffee last year to introduce a Moutai-flavored latte that reportedly sells 5 million cups a day across China. Bartenders also are designing cocktails using a baijiu base. 'There are so many choices right now,' Boyce said. 'It's just about fighting for attention in terms of choice.' Jiangxiaobai, a newer brand made in southwestern China's Chongqing, has targeted young consumers from the beginning. It offers fruit-infused baijiu with an alcohol content below 10%, packaged in smaller, more affordable bottles adorned with philosophical or sentimental phrases meant to resonate with Chinese youth such as, 'Unspoken words. In my eyes, in drafts, in dreams, or downed in a drink.' 'Our promotion of products combines the culture and lifestyle young people advocate,' Jiangxiaobai marketing director Fan Li said. 'From our products to our branding, it's a process of embracing the younger generation.' Shirley Huang, out with friends on a Friday night in Sanlitun, said she had never touched baijiu at age 27, preferring cocktails. But that night, something new on the menu caught her attention: a baijiu-based cocktail. 'Baijiu is quietly making its way into our lives. We just haven't noticed,' she said.'It may not appear as itself, but it reemerges in new forms.'
