She was tortured, yet she still fights for freedom
Editor's note: This is the second in a five-part series on the price of freedom, by exploring the work and experience of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus in Bangladesh. Deseret News Opinion Editor Jay Evensen has known Yunus since 1997, when the world leader first visited Utah. Evensen traveled to Dhaka to speak again with Yunus, entrepreneurs, politicians in the country, and even revolutionaries seeking change, to understand the risks Yunus is enduring and why peace and opportunity in Bangladesh are so important to the United States.
DHAKA, BANGLADESH — As I sit across the desk from Aparna Roy Das, the 49-year-old whose political career, like that of her father, has been marred by broken bones, torture and harassment, the question seems so obvious it practically leaps from the walls.
Why do you choose to be a politician when there are such dangers?
Just a few minutes later, as we discuss whether rival parties and factions might disrupt upcoming elections with more violence, the chants of protesters begin to grow outside the window behind where Das sits at her desk, a window covered in blinds, here in the capital city of Bangladesh.
These chants quickly become loud enough to interrupt our discussion. I feel compelled to ask my interpreter, Tathira Baatul, a young research assistant and aspiring journalist, 'Is that a good protest?'
'I'm not sure,' she answers.
Such is the rough-and-tumble world of politics in Bangladesh. At the time of this interview, the party to which Das belongs, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, was supportive of interim leader Muhammad Yunus' efforts to reform the nation before holding elections. Today, the BNP is restless, urging Yunus to hold elections quickly, ostensibly because it is expected to win popular support.
But as the chants rise during our interview in February, Das has just described for us how, for 15 years, she could not use this office because police, presumably operating under Hasina's orders, had destroyed its contents. She also had been tortured.
'Both of my knees were broken by the police during the first strike in 2010,' she said, according to a transcript of our interview, translated and provided to me by Baatul after the meeting. 'And since then, I have been tortured multiple times in police custody and in court. They tortured me from my legs to my head.
'Even now, because of that torture, I am physically unwell, though in terms of mental strength, I remain resilient. I was never able to go abroad for treatment.'
She wasn't the first in her family to endure such punishment for political activism. Her mother died last Dec. 29, she tells me, 'because of 17 years of oppression.'
'She spent those years alone, visiting prisons, as someone from our family was always behind bars. She fought against the administration by herself, and after enduring so much, she suffered a stroke.'
On the many times her father was arrested, she used to pray he was in jail, because if not, it might mean he had been made to disappear, as too many were during those years.
'He is a freedom fighter, but the kind of brutality he faced was unimaginable,' she said. 'He had even said, holding his chest like Abu Sayed, 'If they are to kill my people, kill me first.''
Sayed was a well-known student activist who was among the first to die during the uprising last summer that resulted in a full-scale revolution in Bangladesh. That resulted in Hasina fleeing to India, after which the students convinced Yunus, Nobel laureate and 'banker to the poor,' to head an interim government.
He leads it to this day, despite mounting pressures from political parties and the military.
And Das now serves as assistant secretary for marginal manpower development affairs within the BNP.
But the question remains. After watching both parents suffer physically and mentally for so many years; after seeing former prime minister and Bangladesh's 'Mother of Democracy,' Begum Khaleda Zia, endure torture; and after having her own bones broken by the blows of state police, is it worth it to continue?
Why not pick a safer profession?
First, she was born into a political family, Das said. Her father, Gayeshwar Chandra Ray, is a standing committee member of the BNP.
'I have witnessed these things from a young age, as I have seen my parents engaged in politics. Therefore, it was never a question of whether I would join or not,' she said.
Later, she grows a bit more thoughtful.
'There is democracy and the right to speak, but this was not the case in our country,' Das said. 'My father endured so much torture, and after he was injured, we didn't know where the police had kept him. It was an extremely frightening day for me because three members of my family were in the hospital, and I couldn't find my father.
'Many people told me not to look for him, because they would arrest me too and torture me, but I wasn't afraid. I was always in the streets. Now, even if I see any injustice in the country, especially from those who want to take everything from Bangladesh, I will protest against them in any way, shape or form that I can.
'If the torture had not happened to my father, but to someone else, I would have done the same thing.'
Pericles is quoted as saying, 'Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you.'
That is especially true for many in Bangladesh, a nation of 171.5 million people that fills a geographical area about the size of Iowa. Since it won independence from Pakistan in 1971, it has struggled to establish democratic traditions, suffering assassinations, coups and despotism. To much of the world, it seems remote and inconsequential.
Yet hope flickers strong in politicians such as Das and others who seem strengthened through trials. It is a hope from which the world could learn. It is a hope reflected in the easy smiles I encountered in villages outside Dhaka. It is a hope bolstered by belief, and it is one that has me reflecting on the fragility of freedom.
The Bangladeshi economy has grown, despite hardships. The World Bank said Bangladesh had reached 'lower-middle income status' by 2015. GDP grew by 6.4% between 2010 and 2023, and the poverty rate fell from 11.8% to 5% during roughly the same period. Still, that's an international poverty level based on only $2.15 per day. The moderate poverty rate, measured at $3.65 per day in 2017 dollars, is at 30%.
Even with rising prosperity, hunger and low wages can bring politics close to everyone. When elections come again, the nation will learn much about itself and how far it has come. It will learn whether the Awami League, the political party allied with now-deposed former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, intends to be disruptive, or even violent. The party has been outlawed while investigations proceed into violence committed during student protests last summer.
Das, who believes interim government leader Yunus has done much to reinstate basic freedoms, answers easily as I ask her what she hopes Bangladesh will be like in 10 or 20 years.
'I want Bangladesh to be a place where everyone can eat, vote and sleep peacefully,' she says. 'I want our daughters to be able to go outside without fear. I dream of a beautiful, just Bangladesh, one where we don't have to live at the cost of others' blood.
'This Bangladesh, which we gained through the sacrifices of millions, must rise again. I want justice for the massacre that occurred at the border between India and Bangladesh. My neighbor should be my friend, but our neighbor harms us. We seek freedom from that harm.
'Above all conspiracies, I want a beautiful Bangladesh.'
This is the real answer to the question. This is why she serves.
And if that day comes, no one could say people like Das haven't paid the price for it.
It takes only minutes for Das and her colleagues in the room to determine that the protests we hear on the street outside are from her supporters. We are in no danger.
And yet, I am left pondering how I felt for the brief moment when I didn't know. How would it feel to know they were, indeed, hostile, as Das has had to face so often in her life?

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She was tortured, yet she still fights for freedom
Editor's note: This is the second in a five-part series on the price of freedom, by exploring the work and experience of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus in Bangladesh. Deseret News Opinion Editor Jay Evensen has known Yunus since 1997, when the world leader first visited Utah. Evensen traveled to Dhaka to speak again with Yunus, entrepreneurs, politicians in the country, and even revolutionaries seeking change, to understand the risks Yunus is enduring and why peace and opportunity in Bangladesh are so important to the United States. DHAKA, BANGLADESH — As I sit across the desk from Aparna Roy Das, the 49-year-old whose political career, like that of her father, has been marred by broken bones, torture and harassment, the question seems so obvious it practically leaps from the walls. Why do you choose to be a politician when there are such dangers? Just a few minutes later, as we discuss whether rival parties and factions might disrupt upcoming elections with more violence, the chants of protesters begin to grow outside the window behind where Das sits at her desk, a window covered in blinds, here in the capital city of Bangladesh. These chants quickly become loud enough to interrupt our discussion. I feel compelled to ask my interpreter, Tathira Baatul, a young research assistant and aspiring journalist, 'Is that a good protest?' 'I'm not sure,' she answers. Such is the rough-and-tumble world of politics in Bangladesh. At the time of this interview, the party to which Das belongs, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, was supportive of interim leader Muhammad Yunus' efforts to reform the nation before holding elections. Today, the BNP is restless, urging Yunus to hold elections quickly, ostensibly because it is expected to win popular support. But as the chants rise during our interview in February, Das has just described for us how, for 15 years, she could not use this office because police, presumably operating under Hasina's orders, had destroyed its contents. She also had been tortured. 'Both of my knees were broken by the police during the first strike in 2010,' she said, according to a transcript of our interview, translated and provided to me by Baatul after the meeting. 'And since then, I have been tortured multiple times in police custody and in court. They tortured me from my legs to my head. 'Even now, because of that torture, I am physically unwell, though in terms of mental strength, I remain resilient. I was never able to go abroad for treatment.' She wasn't the first in her family to endure such punishment for political activism. Her mother died last Dec. 29, she tells me, 'because of 17 years of oppression.' 'She spent those years alone, visiting prisons, as someone from our family was always behind bars. She fought against the administration by herself, and after enduring so much, she suffered a stroke.' On the many times her father was arrested, she used to pray he was in jail, because if not, it might mean he had been made to disappear, as too many were during those years. 'He is a freedom fighter, but the kind of brutality he faced was unimaginable,' she said. 'He had even said, holding his chest like Abu Sayed, 'If they are to kill my people, kill me first.'' Sayed was a well-known student activist who was among the first to die during the uprising last summer that resulted in a full-scale revolution in Bangladesh. That resulted in Hasina fleeing to India, after which the students convinced Yunus, Nobel laureate and 'banker to the poor,' to head an interim government. He leads it to this day, despite mounting pressures from political parties and the military. And Das now serves as assistant secretary for marginal manpower development affairs within the BNP. But the question remains. After watching both parents suffer physically and mentally for so many years; after seeing former prime minister and Bangladesh's 'Mother of Democracy,' Begum Khaleda Zia, endure torture; and after having her own bones broken by the blows of state police, is it worth it to continue? Why not pick a safer profession? First, she was born into a political family, Das said. Her father, Gayeshwar Chandra Ray, is a standing committee member of the BNP. 'I have witnessed these things from a young age, as I have seen my parents engaged in politics. Therefore, it was never a question of whether I would join or not,' she said. Later, she grows a bit more thoughtful. 'There is democracy and the right to speak, but this was not the case in our country,' Das said. 'My father endured so much torture, and after he was injured, we didn't know where the police had kept him. It was an extremely frightening day for me because three members of my family were in the hospital, and I couldn't find my father. 'Many people told me not to look for him, because they would arrest me too and torture me, but I wasn't afraid. I was always in the streets. Now, even if I see any injustice in the country, especially from those who want to take everything from Bangladesh, I will protest against them in any way, shape or form that I can. 'If the torture had not happened to my father, but to someone else, I would have done the same thing.' Pericles is quoted as saying, 'Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you.' That is especially true for many in Bangladesh, a nation of 171.5 million people that fills a geographical area about the size of Iowa. Since it won independence from Pakistan in 1971, it has struggled to establish democratic traditions, suffering assassinations, coups and despotism. To much of the world, it seems remote and inconsequential. Yet hope flickers strong in politicians such as Das and others who seem strengthened through trials. It is a hope from which the world could learn. It is a hope reflected in the easy smiles I encountered in villages outside Dhaka. It is a hope bolstered by belief, and it is one that has me reflecting on the fragility of freedom. The Bangladeshi economy has grown, despite hardships. The World Bank said Bangladesh had reached 'lower-middle income status' by 2015. GDP grew by 6.4% between 2010 and 2023, and the poverty rate fell from 11.8% to 5% during roughly the same period. Still, that's an international poverty level based on only $2.15 per day. The moderate poverty rate, measured at $3.65 per day in 2017 dollars, is at 30%. Even with rising prosperity, hunger and low wages can bring politics close to everyone. When elections come again, the nation will learn much about itself and how far it has come. It will learn whether the Awami League, the political party allied with now-deposed former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, intends to be disruptive, or even violent. The party has been outlawed while investigations proceed into violence committed during student protests last summer. Das, who believes interim government leader Yunus has done much to reinstate basic freedoms, answers easily as I ask her what she hopes Bangladesh will be like in 10 or 20 years. 'I want Bangladesh to be a place where everyone can eat, vote and sleep peacefully,' she says. 'I want our daughters to be able to go outside without fear. I dream of a beautiful, just Bangladesh, one where we don't have to live at the cost of others' blood. 'This Bangladesh, which we gained through the sacrifices of millions, must rise again. I want justice for the massacre that occurred at the border between India and Bangladesh. My neighbor should be my friend, but our neighbor harms us. We seek freedom from that harm. 'Above all conspiracies, I want a beautiful Bangladesh.' This is the real answer to the question. This is why she serves. And if that day comes, no one could say people like Das haven't paid the price for it. It takes only minutes for Das and her colleagues in the room to determine that the protests we hear on the street outside are from her supporters. We are in no danger. And yet, I am left pondering how I felt for the brief moment when I didn't know. How would it feel to know they were, indeed, hostile, as Das has had to face so often in her life?
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Bangladesh Sets April 2026 Election Date, Prompting Mixed Reactions
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Manufacturers have been urging the government to hold elections sooner to ensure stability and continuity in policymaking. With critical developments underway—including U.S. trade deadlines, the initiation of free trade agreement talks with Washington, ongoing financing from the International Monetary Fund, and rapid global geopolitical changes—industry leaders argue that firm and credible political leadership is essential. Yunus's announcement follows a major political crisis triggered by former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's ouster. Since August, the country has operated under an interim government tasked with implementing reforms and preparing for elections. The Awami League, led by Hasina, remains banned from contesting future polls. Meanwhile, the opposition BNP—which boycotted the January 2024 election—is now widely expected to return to power. Its leader, Khaleda Zia, recently acquitted in a long-standing corruption case, appears poised for a political comeback. Some manufacturers told Sourcing Journal that the delayed election timeline could create a prolonged period of uncertainty. Investors and buyers are increasingly concerned about the risk of sudden policy reversals, they noted. They also pointed to the steep 37-percent tariff recently imposed on Bangladeshi exports by U.S. President Donald Trump in April—a rate second only to one other South Asian nation and the 15th highest globally—as a worrying sign. In comparison, India faces a 26 percent tariff, and Pakistan, 29 percent. Industry leaders stressed that Bangladesh needs a strong, stable political mandate to manage such external pressures. They also emphasized that recent tensions with India could be viewed as more 'personal' than 'political,' and an elected government could help reset relations with a broader geopolitical vision. Still, many manufacturers expressed cautious optimism following the recent conclusion of elections at the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA), the powerful industry body that represents and negotiates on behalf of the country's key export sector. The new leadership, set to assume office on June 16, will be led by president-elect Mahmud Hasan Khan Babu. Speaking to Sourcing Journal after his victory, Babu said his team would act swiftly to address what he called the 'long-standing challenges faced by the industry.''Among the main proposals are the formation of a dedicated ministry for the garment sector, ensuring fair pricing from international buyers, and establishing specialized cells to explore new markets and manage regional crises,' he said. These objectives were central to his Forum Panel's election manifesto. Other industry leaders noted that, despite the political uncertainty, Bangladesh's apparel sector has continued to grow. According to data released last week by the Export Promotion Bureau, apparel exports in May 2025 totaled $3.91 billion—up 11.85 percent from $3.50 billion in May 2024—out of a total of $4.25 billion in exports for the month. Vidiya Khan, deputy managing director of Desh Garments Ltd. and one of the recently elected BGMEA board members, described the BGMEA election as a positive signal: 'This was perhaps the most free and fair election seen by BGMEA in recent times. It gives us confidence that the national elections will also follow in a similar spirit.' She acknowledged that the political upheaval of last year had initially left a vacuum—resulting in factory closures and buyer confusion—but praised the industry's resilience. 'Our turnaround time in the face of tragedy or political upheaval has been very short. This has been a transitional period for the country. Even without an elected government, the industry is showing growth,' she said.'We need more diversification, but for now, apparel exports are our biggest industry. The entire forward and backward linkage ecosystem depends on this—it brings in over 80 percent of our foreign exchange. So, regardless of who is in government, this sector must be prioritized and protected.' 'We have our own set of challenges, but at the end of the day, we have a large, flexible workforce that must be sustained,' she added. 'Things do need to be cleaned up—but they could have been a lot worse during this transition.' 'It's an opportunity to hit the reset button.' However, even amid hopes for renewal, the industry was struck by tragedy this week. On Monday, manufacturers in Dhaka were reeling from the unexpected death of Abdullah Hil Rakib, managing director of Teams Group and former senior vice president of BGMEA, who died in a boating accident in Canada. Speaking to Sourcing Journal just days earlier, Rakib had stressed the urgency of resolving the political situation.'A quicker resolution would help settle important issues for the industry,' he said, noting the need to maintain trust with international partners—particularly the U.S. and global buyers.'The domestic tariff and procurement policies must be considered as we negotiate a bilateral agreement,' he added, referring to the early stages of free trade agreement discussions between Bangladesh and the United States.
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The Awami League Comments on UK Prime Minister's Potential Meeting With Unelected Bangladeshi Leader
Visit by Muhammad Yunus to be met with protests in London by displaced Bangladeshis and other Bangladeshi-origin demonstrators concerned by country's slide into authoritarianism "Chief Adviser's" visit to UK comes as Bangladesh's economy is downgraded, with violence reported to be on the rise DHAKA, Bangladesh, June 09, 2025--(BUSINESS WIRE)--The Awami League has today expressed deep concern over UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer's reportedly scheduled meeting this week with Muhammad Yunus, the self-declared Chief Adviser of Bangladesh - warning that any formal meeting lends legitimacy to an unelected and unconstitutional administration. A formal letter from the Awami League's UK branch has been sent to Downing Street, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the King's Foundation, and the Commonwealth Secretariat, urging British officials not to unwittingly launder Yunus's administration just as Bangladesh's crisis deepens. Yunus visits London this week. At a time when Bangladesh is experiencing economic decline, escalating political repression, and growing human rights abuses - particularly against women and girls - the UK Government's decision to engage with Mr Yunus threatens to send a damaging signal about the primacy of democracy and the rule of law. Upon arrival in the UK, Mr Yunus is expected to be greeted by demonstrators including Bangladeshis living in the UK who have been forced to flee since his accession to power ten months ago. Tensions have escalated due to the recent banning of the Awami League by the Yunus government, which represents a deeply alarming departure from democratic norms. The Awami League is one of Bangladesh's founding parties and is still supported by tens of millions of citizens and expatriates. Last week Yunus announced general elections in April 2026. Even if this promise is fulfilled, the Awami League's forced exclusion from political participation will render this election inherently undemocratic. Furthermore, freedom of the press in Bangladesh is under unprecedented attack. Journalists seen to support the Awami League have been arrested, and politically motivated charges have been brought against at least 140 others. Human Rights Watch has highlighted a disturbing practice by authorities of filing vague or mass criminal complaints, enabling the arbitrary arrest of thousands - mostly targeting Awami League supporters. In the wake of the student-led quota movement, the country has descended into violence and instability. In the three months following last summer's protests, over 2,000 attacks against Hindus and other minorities were recorded, and this figure has only risen. Women and girls are also being disproportionately affected: child rape cases rose significantly in early 2025, while a girls' football tournament was cancelled under pressure from Islamist factions. Civil unrest continues to grow. Most recently, public sector workers have taken to the streets to oppose unpopular reforms, adding to widespread discontent. The nation's once high-growth economy, credited with lifting millions out of poverty, has been downgraded by the IMF, which warned GDP growth had fallen from 5.1% to 3.3% "reflecting economic disruptions caused by the popular uprising, a tighter policy mix, and heightened uncertainty that weighed on investment." The IMF also warned Yunus he needed to improve his regime's governance and transparency and that his legal reforms "should align with international standards". MOHAMMAD ARAFAT, SPOKESMAN FOR AWAMI LEAGUE, SAID: "It is ironic and extraordinary that an unelected leader is visiting the home of modern parliamentary democracy and expecting a warm welcome. This visit risks inflaming tensions in both Bangladesh and the UK, home to a large Bangladeshi diaspora. By offering credibility to such a government, Sir Keir Starmer would compromise the UK's reputation as a defender of democratic values. We urge the UK Government and His Majesty the King to press Mr Yunus to commit to elections that are free and fair, rather than rigged against his critics. He must lift the ban on the Awami League, enable multi-party participation, and respect the democratic will of the Bangladeshi people." NOTES TO EDITORS Demonstrations protesting against the Interim Government will be held at various locations in London during Dr Yunus's visit. These include a demonstration outside Chatham House from 1030 to 1230 UK time on Wednesday June 11, and an all-day demonstration outside Parliament on Thursday June 12. The UK Awami League's full letter to Downing Street, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Commonwealth Secretariat and the King's Fund: I am writing on behalf of the Awami League to express our concerns about the UK Government meeting with Muhammad Yunus, the self-proclaimed Chief Adviser of Bangladesh. The recent ban on the Awami League, by an unelected and unconstitutional government, marks a deeply troubling shift away from democratic norms and sets an alarming precedent for the future of Bangladeshi politics. The Awami League played a key role in the country's founding and tens of millions of Bangladeshi nationals and expatriates still align with the party's core beliefs. With the ban in place, it is impossible to have free, fair and truly democratic elections in Bangladesh. The ban comes amid rising attacks on Awami League members, targeted political persecution and a growing repression of media freedom. Human Rights Watch has reported a litany of unjustified arrests of Awami League officials and supporters, and of journalists seen as friendly with the previous regime. Within weeks of the fall of the previous government, five journalists were arrested on dubious and politically motivated charges of murder and crimes against humanity, while at least 140 others faced similar charges. Human Rights Watch equally notes a concerning tactic deployed by security forces of filing criminal complaints against a mass amount of "unknown" people to allow the police to arrest and detain "almost anyone". In the Yunus administrations' first 100 days in power, more than 1,000 police cases were filed against tens of thousands of people, mostly Awami League members. In many of these cases, complainants said they were not aware of whom they were accusing. Awami League ministers and cabinet members, including Dipu Moni, Saber Choudhury, Anisul Huq and Arif Khan, are among those who have been arrested and denied due process. These former officials have faced physical violence and have been paraded into courts with no hope of a fair trial. Lawyers defending Awami League members have also been the target of threats and violence. This mockery of jurisprudence has been overseen by an unelected government that seeks to marginalise its political opponents. Like the recent ban on the Awami League, it directly contradicts Dr Yunus's promises to foster democracy, pluralism and the rule of law in Bangladesh. In the months since the student-led quota movement, Bangladesh has also descended into a state of lawlessness. Ordinary Bangladeshis are witnessing daily acts of violence, persecution and destruction. In the first three months of this year alone, the Human Rights Society reported at least 47 deaths and 2,475 injuries in over 300 incidents of political violence. Police in Bangladesh's cities are recording an unprecedented spike in muggings and robberies as demoralised and under resourced law enforcement agencies cede control of the streets to criminal gangs. Much of this violence has been targeted at women and girls. Since August last year, crime against women has risen exponentially, while the response from the authorities has been minimal. Between January and March this year, UNICEF reported an alarming 50 cases of child rape – a trend it considers is only worsening. In February, a girls' football tournament was cancelled following pressure from one Islamist group, and just recently, a professor was transferred out of her post following protests from another Islamist pressure group. These are just some examples of the violence and public harassment Bangladeshi women have been subject to for failing to conform to Islamist perceptions of modesty or for simply existing in the public eye. There is a clear correlation between the culture of impunity around gendered violence and the Yunus administration's decision to allows Islamic extremists to take senior positions in government. To be clear, since its independence in 1971 Bangladesh has maintained a proud tradition of secularism in politics. The abandonment of that tradition threatens our civil society and our hard-won social progress. There has been extensive reporting about a rapprochement between the interim government and organisations with known terrorist links, including Jamaat-e-Islami, Chatra Shibir, Harakat ul-Jihad-iIslami/Bangladesh, ISIS-Bangladesh and Hizb ut-Tahrir – a group recognised by the UK Government as a terrorist organisation. Meanwhile the persecution of religious minorities is widely reported to have increased. In the three months following the summer's protests, more than 2,000 attacks against Hindus and other minorities were recorded, and this figure has only risen. Vandalism of Hindu places of worship and statues continues to this day. Leading Hindu monk Chinmoy Krishna Das was also arrested and denied due process. Discontent with the current regime is disrupting daily life and causing chaos in civic and commercial life. Public sector workers have become the most recent group to protest the interim government's proposed reforms, taking to the streets this past week. Bangladesh's high-growth economy – the nation's greatest achievement over the past 20 years, lifting millions out of poverty – is now in peril. Since the current administration took power, the country's economy has been downgraded by the IMF twice, as politically-motivated factory closures, skittish decision-making, cronyism and corruption chill the investment climate and destroy jobs. Livelihoods are at risk, as well as the country's civil and religious freedoms – and, of course, its status as a reliable trading and security partner for the UK. With Bangladesh's future genuinely in the balance, I urge you to raise these issues with Muhammad Yunus when you meet him. Please encourage the interim government to protect those suffering from persecution and oppression. Yours sincerely, Sultan Mahmud Shariff Syed Shazidur Rahman Faruk President General Secretary View source version on Contacts Media enquiries: info@ Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data