
Once an Abortion Clinic, It Now Offers Midwives, Formula and Housing Help
Charity Rachelle/For The Washington Post
Tuscaloosa residents and visitors look for clothing at a giveaway organized by the West Alabama Women's Center in late March.
TUSCALOOSA, Ala. – Once, it was the sole abortion clinic in this half of the state. Then Roe v. Wade fell, the legislature's near-total ban on the procedure took effect, and the protesters who would mass in the parking lot vanished. Nowadays, the crowd that gathers when word goes out follows the handwritten signs for 'FREE STUFF.'
Under towering pines, the front lawn of the West Alabama Women's Center turns into a rummage bonanza – with baby formula, children's clothes and shoes, toys and other donations spread out on blankets.
'It's hard to live paycheck to paycheck,' said Keilani Camara, a mother of three from rural Knoxville, as she perused the offerings at the most recent giveaway. Camara works at a trucking company; her husband is unemployed. 'We can't afford to buy all our kids' clothes at Wal-Mart. Diapers, wipes, food: The economy of it! It's so expensive to afford children.'
In the post-Roe world, the clinic has become an unlikely safety-net provider in one of the reddest states – which has some of the country's lowest rankings for maternal and infant health. With billions of federal dollars for Medicaid and related programs threatened in Washington, staff are bracing for a cascade of cuts that would make their work even more challenging.
'What happens when we have a government that decides it doesn't need to take care of its poor?' Director Robin Marty said as she sat in the heart of the clinic, where donated baby dolls from a recently closed maternity home were stacked. 'We are a great net and we are very strong, but we can only hold so much.'
Abortion clinics in the Deep South were once bastions of resistance and reproductive health care, especially in smaller cities like Tuscaloosa. The West Alabama Women's Center opened in 1992, hired 16 staff members and planned to become a full-service operation, Marty recounted. 'But there was so much need for abortion that we were never able to really expand.'
When the U.S. Supreme Court ended a constitutional right to abortion in 2022, the several hundred patients whom the clinic scheduled monthly evaporated overnight and staffing was cut to just a few positions. Other abortion clinics went further. Reproductive Health Services of Montgomery, the longest-standing abortion facility in Alabama, shut its doors. Whole Woman's Health closed all of its Texas locations. A clinic in Jackson, Mississippi, was sold, while a few elsewhere relocated to blue states such as Illinois and New Mexico.
In Tuscaloosa, Marty committed to remaining open and serving the most vulnerable female and LGBTQ+ patients, slowly rehiring and expanding services to meet their needs.
The clinic employs eight people, including a community outreach coordinator, a mental health counselor, doulas and midwives – who later this year will be able to deliver babies in a birthing center converted from what was once an abortion recovery room. Many of the 150 patients seen monthly have multiple needs, and the staff test for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, counsel on substance abuse and even fund care for dental needs, a leading cause of miscarriages.
They also keep gas cards on hand, since transportation issues often mean patients miss appointments, and help find emergency housing for those in need. A makeshift food pantry started in January is filled with boxes of macaroni and cheese, canned goods and baby food.
'We get a lot of unhoused population who come through here. How are you going to raise a child if you don't have stable housing?' Marty said. 'You can't take a baby home from a hospital if you don't have a car seat. What are you going to do? That's one of the reasons we make sure everybody has car seats.'
Outside Alabama's major cities, low-income women have relatively few options. Local health departments often have small staffs, and the wait for basic care can last months. Tuscaloosa is home to a federally qualified health center, with satellite locations serving parts of western Alabama. Another FQHC serves central Alabama. The state's only Planned Parenthood clinic is nearly an hour away in Birmingham.
Across much of the South, in fact, reproductive health care has contracted. 'The whole region is strained,' said Usha Ranji, associate director of women's health policy at the research nonprofit KFF.
Marty and her staff regularly hold pop-up events offering blood pressure checks, ultrasounds and pregnancy tests to outlying rural towns such as Aliceville, Gainesville and Moundville. Depending on the season, they hand out holiday hams and turkeys. They appear at local health fairs and visit colleges, bringing emergency contraception where allowed. Last month, some clinic staffers were at the main campus of the University of Alabama, which is minutes away.
While the schools have their own health services, 'we recognize that not every student is an affluent student who can afford all of that,' Marty said. Plus, with birth control, 'there are a lot of students who do not want to use the health center because that notification will go back to their parents.'
Since its start more than three decades ago, the clinic has been tucked away in a sprawling, brown-brick office park. Inside, the waiting room for patients features a life-size cardboard cutout of a Black couple, with the reassurance that 'Breastfeeding is normal.' On another wall hangs a rainbow-colored painting of a woman's profile, captioned: 'To the world, you are a mother, but to your family, you are the world.'
The only vestige of the past is a small sticker on the front-desk window: 'Need to be unpregnant?'
'We can't get it off,' Marty said.
Midwife Nancy Megginson began working here last fall after seeking permission from the elders of her evangelical church.
'Is it in line with our values?' they asked.
Yes, she told them.
'Would you be providing any abortions?'
No, she assured them.
Megginson, who had just had her fourth child, ended maternity leave a month early to join the clinic and at first brought her infant son with her. She relishes 'being able to problem-solve and address people being underserved.' A quarter of pregnant women in Alabama receive no prenatal care. As a former labor and delivery nurse, Megginson is well aware of the complications that can result.
'This job meant so much, to meet a greater need,' she said.
One patient that day had come two hours from her home in rural Thomasville.
'There's nowhere else for me to go,' said Tawney Thurston, 28, and three months pregnant, as she sat in an exam room after getting an ultrasound. 'If this place wasn't open, I probably wouldn't have had an appointment.'
Thurston, who will be a single mother, is living with her sister's family and supporting herself with a new retail job. She hadn't yet qualified for private insurance so was relying on Medicaid.
Yet, what if federal cuts to the program affect her prenatal care?
'I am terrified. What am I going to do if I lose my insurance?' she said.
Clinic staff are also bracing themselves for the future.
Medicaid is the primary funder of women's reproductive health care nationwide, and a sharp decrease in Medicaid resources – as advocacy groups worry lies ahead during the Trump administration – would take a big toll on already overwhelmed county health departments. Food banks and other safety-net groups could face steep losses, too.
In Tuscaloosa, all of it could send more patients to the West Alabama Women's Center, taxing its nearly $1.2 million annual budget. Twenty percent of its funding comes from services, according to its director, with the rest from private donors and grants.
'If there are cuts, that does have a domino effect on other providers and that can lead to more demand for a clinic like this,' Ranji of KFF noted.
With every Medicaid patient it sees, the clinic takes a hit. Federal regulations require a facility seeking reimbursement for services through the program to have a physician with admitting privileges at a Medicaid-covered hospital. The clinic does not – because, Marty says, doctors and hospitals in the area refuse to work with it.
'We're still being punished for providing abortion services,' she added.
Doula Crystina Hughes, who had brought friends to the clinic for abortions before the Supreme Court overturned Roe, is now its community outreach director. She started organizing mothers groups and food giveaways after one patient mentioned having nothing to eat but her children's leftovers.
'I'm creating all these events so people don't feel shame and come and get help,' Hughes said. 'If we're doing a visit and you're like, 'My lights might get cut off this month' or 'I don't have food to feed my kids,' those needs have to get met first.'
The latest rummage event was a success, she thought. It drew several dozen people, most of them women of color. There were Black women – one was eight months pregnant – but also migrants from Guatemala and Mexico, some documented, some not. In the wake of federal immigration raids across the country, many said they had almost been afraid to come. But they heard clinic staff were trustworthy.
Mariana Maldonado, 32, and four months pregnant, was at the event to look for items for her daughters, who are 11 and 14, and her 6-year-old son.
'We need clothes,' said Maldonado, a legal resident from Mexico who works as a house cleaner in Tuscaloosa. Her husband works in construction, but as she put it in Spanish, 'There's not a lot of work right now.'
It's been hard finding nearby clinics that will accept her Medicaid coverage and have Spanish-speaking staff, she said. She worries about federal lawmakers cutting Medicaid.
Her only alternative if they do? 'Work more.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Yomiuri Shimbun
3 days ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Tulsa Announces Reparations for the 1921 ‘Black Wall Street' Massacre
Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post Women and children wait in line for malaria medication at a health center in Nametil, Mozambique, in 2023. The city of Tulsa, home to one of the most horrifying racial-terror massacres in U.S. history and the people who tried to cover it up, has announced a $105 million reparations package that will put dollars and actions toward redress. 'For 104 years, the Tulsa Race Massacre has been a stain on our city's history,' Tulsa Mayor Monroe Nichols said in a speech Sunday announcing the reparations package, which will pump millions into the restoration of families and communities that had their trajectories derailed by the 1921 attack. 'We have worked to recognize and remember, but now it's time to restore,' Nichols said. It was something that families of survivors and victims have been waiting generations to hear. 'This marks a historic moment where the city of Tulsa is not just acknowledging past harm, but taking real steps toward repair,' said Kristi Williams, a justice activist in Tulsa and a descendant of survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. It took decades of research by historians and journalists – and reports and investigations by state and federal commissions – to uncover the violence that claimed more than 300 Black lives, torched at least 1,100 Black homes, led to survivors being put into displacement camps and decimated the prosperous enclave of Greenwood, known as 'Black Wall Street.' More than a riot, 'the massacre was the result not of uncontrolled mob violence, but of a coordinated, military-style attack on Greenwood,' according to a news release that accompanied a Justice Department report issued in January. 'The Tulsa Race Massacre stands out as a civil rights crime unique in its magnitude, barbarity, racist hostility and its utter annihilation of a thriving Black community,' Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division said in the news release. Reparations for historical injustices have been studied and talked about for years as Americans reckon with the cruelties of the past and how they reverberate in society today. Legislators in D.C., Maryland and California have considered ways to right the societal inequities that resulted, but with little success. In 1994, Florida Gov. Lawton Chiles (D) signed a $2.1 million compensation bill for the Rosewood massacre of 1923. Nine survivors received $150,000 each. A state university scholarship fund was established for the families of Rosewood survivors and their descendants. In 2021, Evanston, Illinois, became one of the first U.S. cities to pay reparations to Black residents. It's complicated to put a monetary value on cruelty and the opportunities it devoured. But the Tulsa case provides clear examples of families and businesses that were impacted, as well as voices that can outline their visions of justice. The reparations will be powered by the charitable Greenwood Trust and built with private capital. The target is to spend $24 million in investments for affordable housing and homeownership; $60 million for historic preservation; and $21 million in scholarships, small business grants and to continue identifying the victims of the massacre buried in mass graves, according to Nichols's plan. 'The Department of Justice's report, while laying out the undeniable facts of the massacre, does seem to suggest that justice – in the context of the massacre – will always be acquainted with an asterisk,' Nichols said. The plan addresses that lingering question of justice, some of the families said. 'We're grateful for the community that shaped these recommendations, and we're ready for the work ahead,' Williams said. 'One of the strongest demands we heard from the community was housing. That's why we recommended $24 million for home repairs and down payments because repair without investment is just rhetoric. The mayor's support shows that Tulsa is ready to do more than talk.' The plan tries to replace the post-catastrophe mechanisms, such as lawsuits and insurance claims, that usually kick in to help victims recover. None of the thousands of White Tulsans who took part were ever arrested; no insurance claims covering the torched businesses were paid out; the suspected attackers are all dead; and the statute of limitations has expired, Nichols said. 'Every promise made by elected officials to help rebuild Greenwood at the time was broken,' he said. The survivors haven't let the city forget. 'For generations, Greenwood descendants and advocates of Black and North Tulsans have kept the flame of justice lit,' said Greg Robinson II, a member of the 'Beyond Apology' task force for reparations. Nichols, Tulsa's first Black mayor, made it a priority. 'The Greenwood community has waited over a century for meaningful repair,' Tulsa City Council member Vanessa Hall-Harper said. 'Our call for $24 million in housing reparations is a direct response to the generational theft of Black wealth that began in 1921 and continued through redlining, urban renewal, and neglect. This moment reflects what is possible when leadership listens to the people, and I am proud that we have a mayor who has done just that.' The attack was sparked in an elevator on May 30, 1921, when a shoeshiner named Dick Rowland stepped into an open wire-caged elevator operated by a 17-year-old White girl named Sarah Page. Witnesses said that Page screamed when the door opened and that Rowland fled. The Tulsa Tribune had a headline the next day that said, 'Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,' and Rowland was arrested. Decades later, most historians believe Rowland may have stepped on Page's foot or bumped into her. The charges were dropped, and Page later wrote a letter exonerating him. But simmering racial hatred and the incendiary headline sent a White mob to the Tulsa Courthouse where Rowland was being held. That was a common pattern across America. Newspapers regularly reported on hundreds of lynchings that happened after a Black man was arrested – usually on flimsy charges – and a mob overtook the jail, dragged the prisoner out and executed him. But the murderous search for vengeance in Tulsa went beyond a single person. Black World War I veterans who heard the calls to lynch Rowland went to the courthouse to protect him. They clashed with the mob, and a shot was fired. In less than 24 hours, as many as 10,000 White Tulsa residents, many of whom had recently drilled as part of an organized, militaristic 'Home Guard,' arrived and systematically destroyed the 35 blocks of Greenwood, according to the federal investigation. Witnesses reported that planes dropped turpentine bombs on the burning city. Greenwood had been a uniquely prosperous Black community, with 'a nationally renowned entrepreneurial center – a city within a city where places like the Dreamland Theatre, the Stradford Hotel, grocery stores and doctor's offices flourished,' Nichols said. 'At the same time, churches provided the foundation of faith needed to thrive in a segregated society.' All of it was decimated. 'Personal belongings and household goods had been removed from many homes and piled in the streets,' the Tulsa Daily World said on June 2, 1921. 'On the steps of the few houses that remained sat feeble and gray Negro men and women and occasionally a small child. The look in their eyes was one of dejection and supplication. Judging from their attitude, it was not of material consequence to them whether they lived or died. Harmless themselves, they apparently could not conceive the brutality and fiendishness of men who would deliberately set fire to the homes of their friends and neighbors and just as deliberately shoot them down in their tracks.' The massacre was covered up. Former Oklahoma state representative Don Ross said he had never heard about it until he was about 15 and one of his teachers, a survivor, described it in class. 'More annoyed than bored, I leaped from my chair and spoke: 'Greenwood was never burned. Ain't no 300 people dead. We're too old for fairy tales',' Ross wrote in the state's 2001 report on the massacre. His teacher set him straight. Tulsa finally apologized for its role in the massacre in 2021. Two of the last known survivors, Viola Ford Fletcher and Lessie Benningfield Randle, sued for reparations. The Oklahoma Supreme Court dismissed their case last year. The announcement of the reparations plan restored hope that the city has a commitment to move past the horror. 'June 1, 2025 was the culmination of that commitment,' Williams said. 'Tulsa has finally committed to moving beyond apology to justice.'


Yomiuri Shimbun
11-05-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
How a Little-Known Japanese American Battalion Freed Jews from a Nazi Death March
Sandra Singh/For The Washington Post Abba Noar, 97, one of the last survivors of the Dachau death march, at a hotel in Central Munich on May 1. WAAKIRCHEN, Germany – Eighty years ago, Abba Naor was among several thousand Jews and other prisoners evacuated from Nazi concentration camps and forced to walk for days on the notorious Dachau death march – without food or water, often in freezing temperatures. Many perished on the way. On the eighth night, as snow fell and covered the exhausted prisoners, their SS guards – fearing the fast-approaching Allies – vanished. The following morning, American soldiers appeared. But when Naor looked up, the faces he saw were unlike any he had seen before. They were Japanese American soldiers, part of a storied military unit that faced down prejudice and suspicion to fight Adolf Hitler's armies in Europe. Some of them had family members imprisoned in internment camps in the western United States. On May 2, Naor returned to a clearing here in a Bavarian forest, where he and some 2,700 others were liberated, to pay homage to the American GIs who aided him and his fellow survivors. A memorial plaque was unveiled to commemorate the actions of the soldiers, who were the sons of immigrants from Japan – second-generation Americans, or 'nisei.' 'They were angels for us,' said Naor, 97, who was born in Lithuania and now lives in Israel. The tale of the 522nd Field Artillery Battalion, an all-nisei combat unit, is little known but highlights the diversity of Americans who fought against totalitarianism, and serves as a reminder of America's long commitment to the defense of Europe at a time when U.S. assurances no longer seem ironclad. The 522nd was part of the famed 442nd Regimental Combat Team, the all-nisei unit that lived up to its motto 'Go For Broke,' taking heavy casualties in bloody battles in Italy and France. The 442nd remains the most decorated unit for its size and length of combat service in the history of the U.S. military. Though some soldiers had been incarcerated in internment camps, they didn't flinch at the idea of risking their lives to defend freedom, said Rep. Mark Takano (California), the ranking Democrat on the House Veterans' Affairs Committee. It was part of what it meant to be an American, he said. Takano, whose parents and grandparents were interned, had three great-uncles who served in the 442nd. One died in battle in Italy. 'These men made it possible to have a better world,' he said. 'We were not the only ones that suffered' On May 2, more than 150 people gathered at a site in Waakirchen, Germany, that marks the end of this particular death march. Some came from as far away as Israel and Britain to attend the blessing of a memorial plaque and historical panel dedicated to the 522nd. The plaque bears the unit's crossed cannons emblem and that of the 442nd: an outstretched hand holding a torch. 'I can't get over the fact that it was 80 years ago on this very day, that my dad bore witness to these prisoners freezing in the snow,' said Tom Oiye, whose father, George Oiye, was a forward observer in the 522nd. The younger Oiye traveled from Anchorage to retrace his father's steps. 'He'd talked about his amazement at the inhumanity that he witnessed,' said Oiye, 69, as he stood before the memorial. Some of these 'saviors,' as Naor called them, had been among more than 100,000 people of Japanese ancestry forcibly removed from their homes after the Pearl Harbor bombing on Dec. 7, 1941, to 'relocation' camps in the western United States because their loyalty to America was questioned. It was remarkable, Naor said, 'that we [Jews] were not the only ones that suffered. There were other people that suffered because of their religion or how they look.' That these men were in the U.S. Army at all reflects the prowess of the nisei soldiers, in particular a unit made up almost entirely of Japanese Americans who had been drafted in Hawaii before the Pearl Harbor attack. The 100th Infantry Battalion so impressed the War Department with its performance in combat training that in early 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt allowed the formation of the 442nd. 'They were telling me … I wasn't an American' George Oiye was 19 when Japan bombed Pearl Harbor. An ace rifleman and captain of his college ROTC's rifle team in Montana, he wanted to join the Army Air Corps. But his IV-C draft status had him classified as an 'alien,' making him ineligible for military service. 'This always bothered me, especially when they were telling me that I wasn't an American,' he recounted in an oral history. But in February 1943, after the 442nd was activated, Oiye – whose sister and her family were in an internment camp in California – was finally allowed to enlist. At Camp Shelby, Mississippi, he was assigned to the 522nd as a forward observer, to move with the infantry and direct artillery fire. By the war's end, about 650 men had fought with the unit. The 522nd arrived in Italy as part of the 442nd in June 1944. The unit fought with distinction in several pivotal battles, including in the storied rescue of the Lost Battalion in the Vosges Mountains of France. In that battle, eight forward observers from C Battery, including George Oiye, found themselves pinned down by German machine-gun fire. After five days of continuous fighting, the soldiers found the Texas National Guard's 1st Battalion of the 141st Regiment, which had been surrounded by German soldiers for nearly a week. Miraculously, all eight artillerymen from the 522nd survived. By January 1945, the Third Reich was on the verge of defeat. In March, while the rest of the 442nd went to Italy for the final Allied attack there, the 522nd entered Germany. Like most of the soldiers, George Oiye knew nothing about the Nazi concentration camps and the horrors of the Holocaust. 'I didn't even know [Dachau] existed,' he told the Los Angeles Times in 1991. George Oiye and the 522nd were not at Dachau on April 29, 1945, the day the U.S. Army liberated the camp at which at least 40,000 died. 'When we opened the gates of Dachau, it was only then that we truly understood what we had been fighting for,' Lockered 'Bud' Gahs, a 100-year-old veteran of the 42nd Infantry Division – one of three that liberated the camp – said at a recent commemoration ceremony at Dachau. 'We must never forget what happened here so that we never go down this dark path again.' The 522nd on that day were 30 to 40 miles away, moving rapidly southeast chasing the retreating German army. They stopped at Lagerlechfeld, a Nazi airfield close to two Dachau subcamps. By then, though, the camp had been evacuated, its prisoners already on the death march. The following day, the 522nd entered the village of Mörlbach, about 20 miles south of Munich. In a little-known feat, the men liberated an unspecified number of French prisoners, according to a declassified unit field journal. They stayed one night and left the following afternoon. William Wright, the son of the unit's executive officer, Col. William P. Wright Jr., recalled his father telling him before he died in 1990 that the French POWs were held at an old hotel, while the German soldiers 'just surrendered.' Today, virtually no one in the hamlet of Mörlbach, with at most a few dozen homes, is aware of the incident. The owner of the town's only inn, Franz Abraham, said the American forces used the mansion in its postwar occupation. Many in Waakirchen didn't know about the Holocaust, either, said Ludwig Leserer, who was 9 when the death march reached his village on May 2, 1945. As he accompanied his mother to the local cobbler one morning, they suddenly saw 'lots of people' in striped garments 'running out of the forest,' apparently toward a spring. He was scared and shocked, he said in an interview at his farmhouse in Waakirchen. In one unforgettable scene, Leserer said he saw a soldier – now understood to have been an SS guard – ordering a prisoner to get up. When the man was too feeble to do so, the guard ordered his dog to attack. 'The dog bit the man in the face,' and he died in the snow, Leserer, now 89, recalled as he choked up and began to cry. 'It was really a traumatic time,' said Annemarie Höffler, 88, Leserer's companion. She was only 8 but still recalls hearing gunshots at night. Her father, a coal miner, went to see what was going on. He came back shaken, saying there were people lying dead in the snow. On May 2, 1945, George Oiye and other members of the 522nd encountered a sight that would remain forever seared in their memories: several thousand haggard prisoners trudging through the forest. 'It was the most miserable weather you can imagine, sleet and rain and snow,' survivor Solly Ganor recalled in a 1997 oral history. 'Every night you slept … in the woods, or in the fields, and thousands were dying …. most of them were starved to death.' Ganor called the march 'a grotesque attempt to do away with us.' The prisoners heard rumors, including that they were being taken to the Tyrol Mountains in the Austrian Alps, where the Germans would force them to build fortresses to resist the Allies, Ganor said. A 522nd radio repairman, Clarence Matsumura, who was incarcerated with his family in Heart Mountain in Wyoming, recalled years later how 'in an open field, we found several hundred prisoners lying, in many cases unable to move. Some were shot, and some were dead from exposure.' There were a number of forced marches from concentration camps across German-occupied Europe. Of about 7,000 prisoners who were driven south from Dachau at the end of April 1945, more than 1,000 died along the way, according to the Dachau Concentration Camp Memorial Site. 'The guys were barefoot, and some of them didn't have any headwear, and all they had was just this striped bathrobe kind of thing, so we gave them bedroll type of blankets, and gloves, which were Army … wool gloves and socks,' George Oiye recounted in an oral history. At one point, he and a buddy built a fire along the road to warm the survivors. A fellow soldier snapped a photo of them standing near the campfire as three liberated prisoners keep warm. The men of the 522nd, authorized by division headquarters to pause their military mission to provide humanitarian aid, ferried the survivors to Waakirchen, where the battalion had set up a command post in a barn. There they administered medical aid and set up a kitchen. The survivors were housed in a school, the church, and later a displaced persons' camp. The unit stayed only a few days before being pressed to move on – a period so brief and so unpublicized just as the war was ending that few knew about it. Leserer and Höffler appeared surprised to learn that Asian American soldiers had been in their village. Preserving the memories Most 522nd veterans have died. One, now 100, lives in Hawaii. Their stories are captured in oral histories, or passed on to their descendants – often sketchy, sometimes contradictory, rarely documented. One anecdote that has become part of the unit's lore is recounted in a diary entry and in separate oral histories. Battalion medic Ichiro Imamura wrote in his journal during the final days of the war of being with two scouts at a Dachau subcamp, though it is not clear which one. There they saw prisoners in 'striped prison suits and round caps … sprawled on the snow-covered ground, moving weakly,' he wrote. The SS had taken off before the scouts reached the camp, he wrote, and one scout proceeded to 'shoot off the chain that held the prison gates shut.' Two other unit members, including the battalion intelligence officer, said years later that the scout was Sgt. Shozo Kajioka from Hawaii. After first trying to shoot the lock off with his carbine, Kajioka used a .45 pistol, Pfc. Shigeru Nakamura also from Hawaii, said in 2007. The intelligence officer gave the prisoners what food he had, Nakamura recounted. In a 2023 interview with The Post, Kajioka's son Arnold said his father told him that after the incident 'they were under a lot of pressure not to say anything because they might be penalized.' The assertion that the men were, as Kajioka said, 'sworn to secrecy' appears more than once in the oral histories. It is likely a misinterpretation of guidance given to the men later on that they were on a military, not a humanitarian mission, said Wright, 87, whose father, the unit's executive officer, recounted the incident to him. 'You don't talk about' anything not related to the mission, he said. 'You don't put it in your military reports. 'They had very strict orders,' Wright said. 'Stay on mission – do not divert to care for sick or injured people.' 'All the Honor' The May 2 commemoration was organized by a military history buff in Bavaria who was astonished to learn of the Japanese American soldiers' role in his region's history. In his research into the U.S. military presence in World War II, Florian Vðeller, a 41-year-old German Army veteran and volunteer with the local chapter of the German War Graves Commission, repeatedly came across the photo of the campfire and Asian-looking soldiers. He inquired through Facebook groups, and someone told him, 'Oh, it was the niseis.' It was the first time he heard the term. Over the past year or two, his desire grew to honor the 522nd's role in liberating the death march survivors. 'The history of the nisei in Germany is not represented,' Vðeller said in an interview. 'I wanted to change that.' May 2, the day of the commemoration, was scorching hot. Herb Zlotogorski, whose father, Abraham, was a Polish Jew imprisoned in a Dachau subcamp, had traveled from Jerusalem to see where his father had been liberated. As he approached the dedication site, he saw Tom Oiye. Upon learning who Oiye's father was, he embraced him. 'Kol hakavod,' he murmured in Hebrew. 'It means 'all the honor,' ' he told Oiye. 'The honor is not just to my dad,' Oiye responded. 'Not just to the 522nd. But to all those who couldn't be with us.' Oiye said in an interview that when it came to the war, his father, normally an expressive man, 'remained quiet for roughly 50 years. I had no idea other than the photo albums showing pictures of the big guns that he was ever in military service. 'I knew he was in the war, but did not know to what extent.' Oiye was moved nearly to tears when he saw the campfire photo reproduced on the historical panel at the monument site. 'I know how much the story meant to my dad,' he said. 'It becomes real when other people acknowledge it.' Two days later at Dachau, where more than 1,700 people had gathered from around the world to commemorate the camp's liberation, the weather had turned. The rain and cold more closely approximated the conditions from decades earlier. Naor spoke movingly of his childhood in Lithuania, where Jews were able to practice their religion, and 'we had a happy life.' Things changed under the Soviets and then the Germans, he said, and in July 1944 his family was deported to the Stutthof concentration camp in Poland. His mother and brother were taken to Auschwitz, where they were killed. He and his father were sent to a series of Dachau subcamps and became separated. Then one day in late April 1945, the SS guards at the Kaufering subcamp announced the prisoners were being taken to Switzerland to be exchanged for German prisoners. It was a ruse, Naor said, and he and other captives were marched south toward the Alps. Along the way, he said, some were so famished that having found a dead horse, 'they tried to tear the flesh from it with their bare hands, and some were shot by the guards.' They spent the night in the forest. Snow continued to fall. And then, he told the audience, overnight 'the guards had disappeared.' In the morning, a big truck arrived. 'We didn't know who these people were because we never had seen anyone like that before, and as we later learned, they were American soldiers of Japanese descent.' After the remarks were over, Oiye found his way to the front of the tent, where Naor was standing with his grandchildren and great-grandchildren. He took out his cellphone and told Naor he had something he wanted to show him. It was the campfire photo of his father, his father's unit-mate and the three death march survivors. Naor's eyes lit up. 'My liberators,' he said. The two men clasped hands warmly, collapsing 80 years of history in a moment. 'Thank you,' Naor said softly. 'Thank you.' Then, he wiped a tear from his eye.


Tokyo Weekender
30-04-2025
- Tokyo Weekender
Ramen 101: A Beginner's Guide to Japan's Favorite Noodle Dish
Ramen is more than just a bowl of noodles — it is a diverse cuisine with as many variations as there are sandwich toppings. Many people tend to think of just noodles and soup, but within that, you have endless variations. Not only are there regional differences, but seasonal ones as well. Next time you get a craving for ramen, use this guide to try a new style you've never had before — or to better understand something you liked in the past and want to seek out again. Better yet, send this guide to friends and family planning to visit Japan so they can identify which styles they like in advance, instead of getting lost in the expanse of choices around Tokyo. List of Contents: Shoyu Shio Miso Tonkotsu Toripaitan Tantanmen Tanmen Mazesoba W Soup (Tonkotsu Gyokai) Tsukemen Related Posts Shoyu Perhaps the most classic style of ramen, visually familiar to everyone, is shoyu (soy sauce). The soup is a dark amber, clear color and relatively light compared to others on this list — but that doesn't mean it's lacking in flavor. The soy sauce packs a punch and is often aged for years in traditional oak barrels. Many shops use a blend of 3 to 4 different soy sauces from different parts of Japan. This forms the tare , or base of the soup. Then, an animal-based soup stock is added, often consisting of pork, chicken, fish or vegetables. The noodles and shoyu can be thin, thick or wavy as there are multitude of shapes and textures. But the quintessential shoyu ramen has a light soy sauce base that amplifies the flavors of both the soy and the soup. You'll often find a piece of chashu (pork belly), slices of bamboo shoots, a sheet of nori dried seaweed and the classic naruto fish cake. This is perhaps Tokyo's most iconic style and has been around since the post–World War II origins of ramen. Shio If you enjoy a light soup base that highlights each individual flavor, try a bowl of shio (salt) ramen. It might sound simple, but it's anything but. The base starts with high-quality salt — sometimes Himalayan rock salt, sometimes salt from deep underground layers near Japan's volcanic regions — then blended with mirin, rice vinegar, dashi, and even seaweed or shellfish. This is then added to the soup, which can be animal, fish, or vegetable-based. Many people enjoy shio because the salt doesn't hide the other flavors at work but instead amplifies them. Shio ramen is incredibly light, and many would argue it makes the perfect breakfast bowl. You can find the same types of garnishes as in shoyu, but each restaurant individualizes their rendition. The noodles can be of any variety, as shio refers to the soup style, not the noodles. If you've enjoyed soy sauce ramen before and want to see how the bowl's flavor changes just by swapping in salt, shio is a classic style that won't leave you feeling bloated or overstuffed. Miso Many people who come to Japan fall in love with miso ramen at first sip. It's incredibly robust, rich and creamy, with that rare, savory depth of miso you can't find anywhere else. Miso ramen starts with a soy or salt base, then adds miso paste and soup stock. Restaurants source their miso from across Japan, ranging from bold red miso from the northern Tohoku region to sweet white miso from the western Kansai area. This is sometimes listed on the menu, so if you'd like to deepen your miso knowledge, investigate where the miso is from and what type it is. Vegetables and lard are often stir-fried in a wok, then deglazed with soup to create the broth. Miso noodles are typically thicker to stand up to the heavy broth and usually come with sautéed vegetables like bean sprouts, carrots and onions. Sometimes you'll find a thick slice of chashu; other times, it's topped with nikumiso (seasoned minced pork). Miso is best enjoyed piping hot. Tonkotsu If the sound of creamy pork bone broth sounds appealing, chances are you've enjoyed tonkotsu ramen before. Originating in Kyushu, this style involves boiling pork bones over high heat for hours until they break down and form a rich, creamy broth. It is then combined with a soy sauce tare , resulting in a salty, umami-rich bowl. While tonkotsu comes in many variations, the most famous is Hakata style, with nearly white broth and garnishes like chopped scallions, wood ear mushrooms and beni shoga (red pickled ginger). The noodles are very thin and firm with smaller portions so they stay firm as you eat. Because they're so thin, another key part of the tonkotsu experience is ordering an aedama — an extra portion of noodles. It might sound unusual, but in many tonkotsu restaurants, diners say 'aedama' to the chef and place ¥100 on the counter. They are then given another serving of noodles which is added directly to the soup. Toripaitan This style of ramen is a little harder to find, but those who seek it out will not be disappointed. The word toripaitan literally means 'creamy chicken,' and it almost resembles your grandmother's chicken noodle soup. Like tonkotsu, the chicken bones are boiled at high temperature for hours until they create a creamy broth. The result is a healthier, high-collagen ramen that's incredibly balanced, mild and crowd-pleasing. Beyond the creamy chicken foundation, everything else — the noodles, tare, and toppings — is flexible. Some shops use moderately thick, wavy noodles to grab onto the richness; others go for thin and firm noodles to offer contrast. Sous vide chicken breasts are a popular addition to this style, and you'll even find halal versions of toripaitan ramen in Tokyo thanks to its pork-free base. For the full chicken experience, it's recommended to add an aji tamago (marinated egg). A well-prepared egg will have a dark outer layer from a multiday marinade and a jammy yolk that soaks up the delicious broth. Tantanmen If you're a fan of spice, look no further than tantanmen . Inspired by the Chinese dandanmian — a chili oil–based noodle dish served with or without soup — Japanese tantanmen has evolved into a broader genre. The classic version features a sesame paste base with vinegar and soy sauce, topped with chili oil, chili powder and various types of peppers to create a spicy, hearty bowl. You'll often see a generous ladle of chili oil floating on top for color and added heat. Common toppings include bok choy vegetables, minced pork, Szechuan pickles, and crushed peanuts. The soup itself is usually a blend of chicken and pork stock. The noodles are typically semi-wavy, moderately thick and firm to complement the dense broth. If you want to try something new, order a bowl of shirunashi (soupless) tantanmen. In this style, a thicker, sauce-like base (almost like pasta sauce) coats the noodles instead of a broth. This lets the chili oil and Szechuan peppercorns shine, delivering a bold and punchy experience. There's no shortage of tantanmen spots around Tokyo, and it's a top pick for spice lovers. Tanmen Often confused with the similarly named tantanmen, tanmen is completely different. While tantanmen uses a thick sesame broth and chili oil, tanmen simply means 'noodles and soup,' and it's a very clear, light dish packed with vegetables. Tanmen is most commonly found in machichuka, which are Japanese-style Chinese diners that serve dishes such as fried rice, gyoza potstickers and pork and garlic chive stir fry. The cooking process for tanmen is quite distinct from most other styles. The meat — usually sliced pork belly — is stir-fried first, then vegetables like cabbage, carrots, bean sprouts, green onions and mushrooms are added to the wok. Everything is sautéed together before the soup and tare are added and brought to a simmer. Meanwhile, the noodles are boiled separately and combined at the end. Tanmen is incredibly comforting, especially when served with a generous sprinkle of black pepper and a side of gyoza. It's a great introduction to the more subtle, vegetable-forward side of ramen. Mazesoba Another soupless variant is mazesoba , which often arrives as one of the most visually beautiful presentations in the ramen world. At the base of this style is a thick tare, typically made from soy sauce, garlic, ginger, mirin and a touch of broth. Incredibly thick and chewy noodles are placed directly on top of the tare, followed by carefully arranged toppings — creating a kaleidoscope of colors and textures. The Japanese word 'maze ' means 'to mix,' and while it may feel a little heartbreaking to disturb the presentation, diners are encouraged to stir all the ingredients together vigorously before digging in. Mazesoba is perfect for those who love thick noodles, and crave bold flavors without broth. A common element is a raw egg yolk, which adds a luxurious, creamy element once mixed into the noodles. It's rich, satisfying and a must-try for ramen fans looking to experience ramen in a different format. W Soup (Tonkotsu Gyokai) A more modern style, W Soup refers to 'double soup,' meaning two separate soup stocks — one animal-based and one fish-based — are prepared individually and then combined in the bowl. This technique allows for optimal preparation of each component: the pork or chicken stock is boiled vigorously for creaminess, while the fish stock is gently simmered to preserve its delicate flavors. Often called tonkotsu gyokai (pork and fish ramen), this style has a uniquely rich, umami-heavy broth — creamy and fatty from the meat, bright and oceanic from the fish. Each shop puts its own spin on the ratio and fish variety used, making every bowl of W Soup a slightly different experience. The broth is quite thick, clinging to the noodles and coating your spoon. Noodles are typically thick and wavy to match the dense soup. Classic toppings include bamboo shoots, green onions, chashu pork, an egg and a few sheets of nori. It's a bit more niche and harder to find, but definitely worth the effort. Tsukemen Tsukemen is more of a preparation method than a flavor category, but it is important to understand its appeal. Often misunderstood by newcomers, tsukemen features noodles served cold or at room temperature alongside a separate bowl of concentrated hot dipping soup. Separating the noodles from the broth allows you to experience each component individually. You can savor the noodles' texture and wheat flavor without them becoming soggy. Some shops even provide a small pile of salt so you can taste the noodles on their own before dipping. The soup in tsukemen is much thicker than in regular ramen because it needs to cling to the noodles. Even the portion is smaller since it's so concentrated, and this creates a more intense flavor experience. Noodles range from thin to thick, and the broth can be made from pork, chicken, fish or any combination — both creamy and clear. Tsukemen is highly recommended for those who want a more interactive dining experience and a deeper appreciation of the chef's attention to detail. There you have it, ten different ramen styles to explore across Tokyo and Japan. While it's easy to stick with a favorite once you find it, don't hesitate to step outside your comfort zone. You might discover a new go-to bowl or develop a deeper appreciation for the complexity of Japanese cuisine. For more ramen guides and where to find the best slurps in Tokyo, check out the links below — and share this with friends or family visiting Japan so they can dive in headfirst, chopsticks at the ready. Related Posts Family-Friendly Ramen Shops in Tokyo for All Ages Tokyo's Free Ramen Consultant Is Here To Help You Conquer Ramen Jiro The 5 Best Breakfast Ramen Spots in Tokyo