OPEN// Abdelatty says fire ceasing in Gaza urgent
CAIRO, June 1 (MENA) - Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigration Badr Abdelatty said Sunday it was critically important to halt the ongoing war and Israeli aggression on Gaza.
This came in a phone call with US President Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff.
During the conversation, Abdelatty urged the need for immediate and full access to humanitarian aid for Gaza in order to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinian people.
He also reiterated the necessity of finding a lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, one that meets the aspirations of the people in the region and reflects President Trump's vision for achieving comprehensive peace in the area.
This phone call is part of the ongoing consultations and coordination between Egypt and the United States regarding the situation in Gaza and the broader Middle East region.
The conversation also addressed the joint efforts of Egypt, the United States, and Qatar to reach a ceasefire agreement in Gaza, secure the release of hostages and prisoners, and ensure full access to humanitarian aid.
On his part, Witkoff expressed his country's appreciation for Egypt's role and the efforts of President Abdel Fattah El Sisi in mediating the ongoing negotiations aimed at ending the war, securing the release of hostages, and allowing aid to reach Gaza.
Additionally, the phone call touched on the indirect negotiations between the United States and Iran regarding the Iranian nuclear program.
Abdelatty listened to Witkoff's assessment of the ongoing talks.
The top diplomat reiterated Egypt's support for the US-Iran negotiations, recognizing them as an important opportunity to de-escalate tensions and prevent the region from sliding into complete chaos. (MENA)
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■Introduction His words struck a chord deep in my heart. As we concluded our lengthy interview, American Journalist Chris Hedges addressed the Palestinian people on the anniversary of the Nakba, saying: 'Continue your resistance until the land is liberated, from the river to the sea.' His voice trembled, and his eyes welled with tears – tears that also found their way into mine, for Gaza faces its nineteenth consecutive month of genocide before the world's eyes. The facade of western civilization as a beacon of moral superiority has crumbled, laying bare the lie during these defining moments of human history, as Hedges described it. Meeting this extraordinary journalist was a moment where pain met pride, and a reminder that the power that words can hold affirms how journalism remains one of the noblest professions. His career stands as a testament to this truth. Chris Hedges is a writer whose fearless pen who recognizes no red lines. A journalist with the spirit of a fighter, he defends humanity with the power of objectivity and courage. His words pierce the darkness like a faint light in a morally bankrupt world, as he calls it. Through his writings, readers encounter a truth often lost in the labyrinth of political narratives. He peels back layers of distortion to expose harsh realities, as if he were salvaging the truth from beneath the rubble and giving it a second chance at life. Hedges emerged as a fierce critic of imperialism after resigning from The New York Times, which could not tolerate his objective stance against the US occupation of Iraq. His reporting strayed from official narratives, telling the truth as it was. But his intellectual legacy runs deeper—he has dissected the psychology of the media and the war machine, analyzing how American democracy is eroding and how the intellectual class in the US has collapsed in the face of imposed injustice on the Global South. This has placed him in constant confrontation with powerful institutions, particularly the Zionist lobby, which he considers an enemy. As the Middle East enters a turning point in its modern history, Hedges dares to speak out, accusing his own country of destroying Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, and destabilizing the region to advance its own interests. He sees the genocide in Gaza not as a war against Palestinians alone, but as a continuation of colonial legacies planted by the West through the Balfour Declaration and Sykes-Picot Agreement, and perpetuated through decades of illegal American interference. From 'arming the occupation' to 'demonizing resistance,' Hedges holds America chiefly responsible for the chaos and instability engulfing the Middle East. He believes the US seeks to install obedient regimes and eradicate or co-opt any liberation movement that falls outside its sphere of influence. Hedges' views are explosive against false narratives—especially those propagated by Zionists. He does not speak as a detached observer, but as a front-line witness, having reported from more than 50 conflict zones, including Palestine, Iraq, Sudan, Yemen, and Bosnia, during a 20-year career as a war correspondent. Following his forced resignation, he turned to writing full-time, authoring books such as War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, Empire of Illusion, and The Death of the Liberal Class. He is a Pulitzer Prize winner recognized for his courage. The ongoing genocide in Gaza has commanded his full attention. He offers a panoramic narrative capturing the lives of people enduring collective death under siege. In his latest book, The Managed Extinction: On Survival and Resistance in Occupied Palestine (Seven Stories Press, New York, 2025), Hedges recounts the stories of Gaza's forgotten victims through in-depth interviews with survivors – conveying, from afar, a world filled with pain and resistance that challenges dominant Western narratives. He has also collaborated with Maltese-American cartoonist Joe Sacco, pioneer of graphic journalism and one of the most prominent artistic defenders of the Palestinian cause, known for his acclaimed works Palestine and Footnotes in Gaza. This interview with Hedges takes place as he continues, from Cairo, his 'painful and demanding' journey to document the genocide in Gaza. ■How words can be used as a weapon against genocide – To begin with, can you tell us about your latest project documenting the ongoing genocide in Gaza? Have you faced any pressure or harassment because of it? Before I begin, Engy, I just want to say it's an honor to be here with you and with Al-Masry Al-Youm. Allow me to extend my greetings to my friend Mohamed Salmawy and my friend Khaled al-Balshy, whom I greatly respect. I also believe we must recognize and honor the journalists in Gaza, where more than 120 have been killed — most of them in direct assassinations. Many journalists and I hold them in the highest regard. Their courage in the face of this genocide is unparalleled. We have never seen such numbers before. I have covered many wars and have never witnessed anything like this in terms of journalist casualties. And before I proceed, I want to commend your work and, of course, the work of my Palestinian colleagues in Gaza. I have written extensively about the genocide since it began after October 7. It's a highly controversial topic in the United States. Those who speak about it face immense pressure, and there are constant attacks to silence us. Brave students in the US who joined the protests faced disciplinary action, suspension, or expulsion from their universities. There is a horrific complicity from Western governments, especially the US, which has allowed this genocide to continue. Of course, I wished to go to Gaza, but the Israeli authorities did not allow it. So, I'm now working with cartoonist Joe Sacco, the author of Palestine and Footnotes in Gaza. We're conducting interviews with Palestinians from Gaza who are now in Egypt. The goal of Israel's brutal campaign is to erase everything Palestinian: as a people, their culture, their history, to destroying their universities, mosques, and homes. Joe and I want to play a small role in documenting and preserving the voices of these Palestinians so they are not lost. That's the aim of our project. –How is this project different from your previous work as a war correspondent who has documented 50 conflict zones worldwide? Will the book include official documents, or will it focus solely on Gaza's stories in a graphic novel format? We will not use official documents, but we will review them. The Egyptian Foreign Minister has promised to give us access to the entire archive of the genocide. What sets this graphic novel apart is its human depth and detail. We aim to convey a sense of emotion — this kind of narrative and documentation is more enduring and sustainable. We also conduct in-depth interviews: when we speak with a Palestinian from Gaza, we typically spend two or three hours at least. The strength of this book, as with my previous works, lies through immersing in the small human details — those often overlooked or omitted by most journalists. These books can be considered panoramic guides for future generations. Joe is a gifted cartoonist in capturing human emotions. I previously co-authored a book with him called Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt, about the poorest areas in America, which included 50 pages of his drawings. We plan to do the same in our book on the genocide because we want, as much as possible, to make people feel the suffering of Palestinians. And I believe visuals help tremendously with that. This is what we're working on now in Egypt: conveying the emotions of forgotten people. We certainly want future generations — as much as we can — to feel the pain of the Palestinians. –For the past 19 months, the world has witnessed the genocide through videos and images — to no avail. What, then, is the value of your documentation? Do you believe the day will come when Israel is held accountable, or will it escape justice? That's an important question. When I covered the Bosnian War, and when Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić were prosecuted in The Hague, some of my journalistic reports were used by the prosecutors as evidence. At the time, I didn't write those reports with the intention of supporting prosecution, but I was glad that my work was used and helped prevent impunity. When people commit genocide or atrocities against the innocent, journalists must document these crimes — despite the risks. Because if we are not there and we don't write, then those who commit these atrocities will succeed in erasing history and any memory of their victims. And that is precisely what Israel is trying to do. So, if our interviews are ever used in prosecuting Israel, I would be very glad. But that is not the main goal of the book. The primary objective is to preserve these stories — to ensure they are not forgotten. But I do believe that the journalist's role is to hold power accountable. The more we preserve and defend that role, and the more we succeed in holding power to account, the more just our world becomes. That's what happened in Bosnia — those criminals were brought to trial. I don't hold the same hope for war criminals like Netanyahu or Gallant. And let's be honest: Joe Biden and Donald Trump are also war criminals. Under international law, they are complicit in the crime of genocide. And I would be very happy if my work contributed to their accountability. –You've covered 50 conflicts and were personally present in El Salvador, Yugoslavia, Nicaragua, Sarajevo, and Kosovo. But you had a distinct experience documenting what you saw in the Middle East, where you spent seven years — in Iraq, Yemen, and Gaza. What drew you so deeply to this region? Did it change your ideas or reshape your professional path? Each region has its own nature. Every culture is different. And of course, Middle Eastern culture is unique. A good foreign correspondent must be 'bicultural' — that is, they must speak the language and understand the culture they are reporting on, in order to translate it into another cultural context. This takes time. It's impossible to arrive in a conflict zone like El Salvador and genuinely understand what's happening in just a few weeks. The same was true in Yugoslavia — and it was essential in the Middle East. But the time I invested in the Middle East didn't just give me awareness of how each culture perceives the world — it changed me. It reshaped my entire outlook. I spent seven years in the Middle East, and it completely transformed how I see my own country, the US. I became sharply aware — whether in Israel, Iran, Iraq, or elsewhere — of the massive suffering caused by Western, especially American, interventions. Worse still, the narrative presented to the American public — often through the media itself — was completely false. This experience didn't just immerse me in the region's culture for better understanding. It made me reevaluate American society itself from a different perspective. Yes, I believe the years I spent here shaped my path — starting with my resignation from The New York Times to focus on writing, which marked the beginning of my new journey. – You resigned from The New York Times because of the paper's stance on the US occupation of Iraq and its objection to your neutral coverage. You gave up an editorial position after 20 years of service in defense of your integrity. Do you feel that fate compensated you — through the success of your books and your global recognition — as if to say: only the truthful endure? What's your message to journalists who sell their conscience to climb the ranks in America and beyond? After I left The New York Times, I was blacklisted. I could no longer work for any media outlet in the United States. But I had written a book titled War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, which became a bestseller and sold hundreds of thousands of copies. At first, I considered applying for a job teaching English at a high school and coaching track — I used to be a runner. But the book's massive sales not only gave me a significant income, they also attracted the interest of publishers who offered generous advances for my next books. That's how I managed to remain financially stable. I know journalists and diplomats, like John Kiriakou at the CIA, who did the right thing — he exposed the torture programs — and suffered greatly for it. There's no guarantee that telling the truth will work out for you. Often, it doesn't. I was lucky. But I walked away with my dignity and integrity — and for me, that's more important than any career. And that is my message to those who sell their conscience for a position. –In a previous interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, you said that the Oslo Accords aimed to turn Fatah into a 'police force' and described them as one of the greatest mistakes of the late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat. Can you elaborate? Yes. The Oslo Accords were designed to turn the Palestinian Authority into a colonial police force. That's why the great Palestinian thinker Edward Said called Yasser Arafat 'the Palestinian Pétain'—a reference to Marshal Pétain, who collaborated with the Nazis in France. And I fully agree with that description. –After what you called 'the Oslo trap,' do you think Arabs keep falling into the same traps? And based on your experience in the region and understanding of the Zionist occupation, what alternatives do you propose? No, not always—but Palestinians have certainly suffered from poor leadership. The biggest concession Arafat made under Oslo was abandoning the right of return. That meant that most residents of Gaza would never be allowed to return to their original homes. This, in fact, was one of the key reasons Hamas emerged—Hamas is a direct consequence of Oslo. Palestinians in Gaza rightly felt that Fatah had abandoned them. As for the solution? I believe the real solution in the Middle East begins with the US—and, to a lesser extent, the rest of the West—ceasing its interference in the region and halting its arms shipments. ■How the US is responsible for instability in the region -So, you hold the United States responsible for the sustained conflicts in our region? Absolutely. I hold the US primarily responsible for the instability in the Middle East, due to its efforts to create regimes that serve its own interests, and its interference in governments or movements that genuinely seek to represent their people's national interests—such as the Ba'athist movements or Arab nationalism—so long as they are not under American influence. Let me quote Iran's slogan: 'America is the Great Satan.' When you look at history—from the Balfour Declaration to the Sykes-Picot Agreement—it's clear that European and then American interference is the root cause of much of the instability, suffering, and violence in the region. I'm not saying the region would become a paradise if they withdrew, but it would certainly be much better. -Do you see the war on Gaza as part of a wider global conflict between imperial powers and the resistance of oppressed peoples? Yes. I believe what happened in Gaza sent a powerful message to the Global South. The West doesn't recognize them—or their suffering. The only genocide the West acknowledges is the one committed by the Nazis. But as Aimé Césaire wrote in his Discourse on Colonialism, what the Nazis did to the Jews is exactly what the West did to the colonized in India, to Black people in Africa, and to Arabs in Algeria. There is no difference. The problem is these genocides are rarely acknowledged—such as the German genocide of the Nama and Herero peoples in what is today Namibia, which has been virtually erased from history. The Global South understands this very clearly. For example, take the 1943 Bengal Famine, in which three million Hindus died. Winston Churchill, who was Prime Minister at the time, said of them: 'They are a beastly people with a beastly religion.' The sanctification of the Holocaust has been used by Israel to frame itself as the eternal victim. But this narrative is not part of the Global South's memory. Look at the suffering of Kenyans under British colonial rule during the Mau Mau uprising. The Global South clearly sees that genocide has always been a tool of Western imperialism. It wasn't just inflicted on Jews. So, when they see Gaza, their historical memory tells them: 'This is what the West always does.' And they're absolutely right. -To what extent do you think America's unconditional support for the Israeli occupation threatens the stability of the Middle East? I believe the US bears significant responsibility for the instability in the region—not only because of its support for the Zionist project but also because of its long history of interference in Middle Eastern affairs. Starting with the CIA-led coup against Mosaddegh in Iran and the imposition of the Shah, to the catastrophic Iraq War that lasted for two decades. That war was a crime—Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11 and possessed no weapons of mass destruction. We've seen the US destroy one country after another: Syria, Libya, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon as well. Israel, with America's support, helped turn Lebanon into a failed state. So it's not just that US policies have destabilized the region—they've been a direct cause of the death and suffering of millions. What has happened is indefensible. America bears a huge responsibility for this, and for obstructing any real democracy or genuine justice—things I've seen people across the Middle East fighting for during my seven years living in the region. ■How Zionism has shaped American policy -Do you think American support for the occupation is pragmatic, or is it driven by the influence of the Zionist lobby and Christian Zionism in the US? The Zionist lobby in the US is extremely wealthy, and in an electoral system like the American one, candidates can essentially be bought— which is exactly what the Zionist lobby does. I believe we've reached a point where the Zionists effectively own the US Congress. That's why a war criminal like Benjamin Netanyahu—who now faces an arrest warrant—can be invited to speak before Congress and receive multiple standing ovations. We are living under a system that amounts to legalized bribery, and the Zionist lobby has mastered it. We need to go back to the Iraq War—invading Iraq was a Zionist demand because Saddam Hussein ruled a powerful state that Israel feared. That also explains their push for war with Iran, and their role in the destruction of Syria. Israel occupied areas near Damascus—the Golan Heights—and expanded into Lebanon, all as part of the 'Greater Israel' project. Now, they are calling for the complete expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza and its re-colonization by Jewish settlers. And the US is fully complicit in this, because of the power of the Israeli lobby. Keep in mind that Joe Biden received more money from AIPAC than any other senator in history—and he still holds that record even though he left the Senate over a decade ago. Unfortunately, we live in a political system where the Zionists have bought the American political class, and they are simply carrying out orders—for a price. -In one of your books, you talked about the warping of American consciousness. Is this mission led by the Zionist lobby and the movements that stemmed from it, such as Christian Zionism? I wrote a book about them titled 'American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America.' We must remember that there is also a strong racist element in Christian Zionism. They view what is happening in Israel as a classic settler-colonial project — and it is. Netanyahu and those around him, of European origin, violate international law to crush liberation movements of people of color. This is precisely what Christian Zionists seek to replicate in the US — that's why we saw the Trump administration brutally deporting immigrants. Christian Zionism is a very significant force. Many American Jews, especially younger ones, no longer have the emotional ties to Israel that their parents and grandparents did, especially in light of the ongoing genocide. But Christian Zionists have a religious belief that Jews must reclaim the 'Holy Land' to prepare for the return of Christ. It's magical thinking, but it drives their zealous support for the Zionist project. There is a clear racial element. Finally, I've covered the rise of what I call 'Jewish fascism,' which has roots in Vladimir Jabotinsky and is now represented by figures like Meir Kahane and the current Israeli government. These are the heirs of the Kach movement and the Kahanist party. Remember that Benito Mussolini described Jabotinsky as a 'good fascist,' while prominent Jewish figures like Hannah Arendt, Albert Einstein, and Sidney Hook publicly denounced this trend. The Herut party, formed after 1948 and which included Netanyahu's father, advocated for the expulsion of Palestinians from all of historic Palestine. So I see Christian Zionists — or Christian nationalists — as the American version of fascism. And I view the figures surrounding Netanyahu — like Ben Gvir and Smotrich — as Jewish fascists. They find a shared identity in that fascism. -Your words disturb those in power, yet you persist in exposing both American imperialism and Zionism. To what extent do you believe in the power of words against political and financial dominance? Western journalism has participated in spreading Zionist propaganda in several ways. First, Western press was denied access to Gaza. This is unprecedented. The only Western journalists allowed into Gaza — as carefully selected exceptions — enter accompanied by the Israeli army, and are essentially embedded with them for staged tours. For instance, they're shown a calendar at Al-Shifa Hospital and are told it's 'a list of terrorists' — sheer lies. They are manipulated because they are already biased. So, they stay inside Israel and parrot Israeli propaganda through their skewed lenses. Second — and this angered me deeply — is that the American media has demonized students who stood against genocide, accusing them of being 'antisemitic' or 'Hamas supporters,' both of which are false. We must clarify that around 30 percent of these students were Jewish. The basic tenets of journalism required that reporters attend those encampments and listen to their demands. But from the moment the genocide began, the attacks started. For example, Columbia University banned 'Students for Justice in Palestine' and 'Jewish Voice for Peace' right after October 7 — before any protests had even begun. That was unforgivable. It paved the way for the persecution of anyone who speaks out about the genocide. And now, under Trump-era policies, we're seeing student visas revoked and legal residencies for green card holders canceled. The press was a full partner in creating an environment that made this possible. There was a massive failure — and I say this as an American — by the US press, including my former paper, The New York Times. It's a moral collapse. A journalistic collapse. There is no excuse. And frankly, it's shameful. ■How the struggle in Gaza is fueling resistance -What do you say to those who claim that the struggles of Gaza began on October 7? That's exactly what the Israelis and the Zionists want you to believe. They want you to ignore the 16 years during which Gaza was the world's largest open-air prison. They want you to forget the brutal assaults Israel carried out — whether during 'Operation Cast Lead' or the 'Great March of Return.' They want you to ignore the hundreds, if not thousands, of Palestinians deliberately killed by Israeli forces during nonviolent protests. It's all about context. They don't want you to see October 7 in context — and this is not a justification, but an attempt to understand. This is something I and other journalists in Gaza have written about repeatedly during the seven years I spent covering the strip: When you treat people like animals, deny them their dignity and humanity, and kill them as if they're monsters, the cruelty you inflict will inevitably come back to you. Again, this is not a justification — it's an effort to understand. Israel was answered in the language it used with the Palestinians. It was inevitable. Anyone who spent enough time in Gaza could see it coming. -Do you agree with political scientist Norman Finkelstein's description of what happened on October 7 as a 'slave revolt' — akin to that of Haiti? Absolutely, I believe he's right. He compared it to Nat Turner's slave rebellion in America, where every white person he encountered was killed. Again — we're not justifying, but trying to understand. It was a slave revolt. Remember, many of those who crossed the border on October 7 had never in their lives left Gaza. They were imprisoned. And in Gaza, when people talk about Israelis, they use the word 'Jews' in Arabic. Why? Because every interaction they've had with Israelis — with Jews — was threatening and frightening. They've never experienced compassion or empathy from any Jew. There's a verse in the Bible that says, 'As you sow, so shall you reap.' Well, this is what Israel sowed. The inhumane conditions imposed on Palestinians in Gaza triggered a violent reaction — but one that was entirely predictable. I would say: the oppressor sets the tone for the actions of the oppressed. Israel chose to speak to Palestinians only through language of violence, and eventually, some Palestinians spoke that language back. One more important point: This is not a war against Hamas. This is a war against Palestinian civilians. Hamas fighters can hide in tunnels. Civilians cannot. What's happening is an act of genocide. And Israel knows full well that it is killing people who had nothing to do with what happened on October 7. –How do you explain the West's insistence on labeling Palestinian and Arab resistance as terrorism? All resistance groups I've covered in my 20 years as a foreign correspondent have been labeled as terrorists. Resistance movements like Hamas and Islamic Jihad do not have standing armies, or navies, or artillery, or mechanized units, or air forces, or industrial-grade weapons like the Israeli military. They can't fly F-16s to bomb an Israeli military site, so their operations are sometimes carried out through suicide bombings—because those are the only means available to them to respond. Every resistance movement I've covered has used what is described as 'terrorism' as a weapon, including Zionist organizations like Irgun and Jewish armed groups that fought the British before the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. But that doesn't mean that Hamas or others are 'terrorist organizations.' They are not committing violence for the sake of violence, but seeking to liberate themselves from Israel's occupation. Their weapons are far less lethal than Israel's. Remember that Israel drops 2,000-pound bombs on refugee camps. The goal of Western governments—like the US—and the Zionists is to demonize the resistance and brand it as terrorism to divert attention from the crimes of Israeli occupation. And this is very common. Recall that Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress were also classified as terrorists. I've seen this happen in every conflict I've covered. But they are not terrorists – they are fighting for the freedom of the Palestinian people. -Chris, you have always made a distinction between the violence practiced by resistance movements and colonial violence. Can you explain that distinction to the readers of Al-Masry Al-Youm? That's a very important point. C.L.R. James wrote about this in his book The Black Jacobins on the Haitian slave revolt—the only successful slave revolt in history. When the slaves in Haiti rose up, they committed acts of violence against white slave owners. But James argued that this violence was the result of temporary outbursts of emotion—just like what happened on October 7. We cannot equate this kind of violence with the organized, systematic, institutional violence that Palestinians endure every day, every week, every month, year after year, for decades. Colonial violence is far more intense and is carried out by institutions, regimes, and states that not only seek to normalize it, but also to distract the world from this real violence by spotlighting only the emotional and violent outbursts like October 7 ■How peace remains a distant dream -From your point of view, is there still a chance for just peace in the region given America's bias? In the short term, I'm pessimistic. Israel has destroyed the possibility of a two-state solution through the genocide in Gaza, the massive settlement project in the West Bank—especially since the genocide began—and its continued seizure of more and more land. The brutality in the West Bank, though not on the same scale as what is happening in Gaza, clearly suggest—from my point of view and the view of many others—that once Israel is done with Gaza, if it achieves its goal of depopulating it, it will attempt to do the same in the West Bank. Israel has obstructed any possibility for peace. At this point, I believe the only hope lies in a one-state solution—not a Jewish state—but a state where everyone has equal rights, Palestinians and Israelis. But Israel has killed the path through which just peace could have been achieved. It is now actively engaged in trying to expel all Palestinians from historic Palestine and to establish a Jewish state free of Palestinians. That is their goal. So yes, I am very pessimistic in the short term. As for the long term, I'm not sure the Zionist state is sustainable. But for now, I see no hope. -What about the future of Palestinian resistance—where does Chris see it, given his knowledge of our region? Israel has caused a generational trauma for Palestinians. Many have lost a huge number—if not all—of their family members. Israel has destroyed their homes and communities, and is trying to uproot them from their land. And we know that there is a term for the response to this phenomenon: 'blowback.' Resistance will rise from nothing, and there will be blowback from Palestinians—just as there would be from any other people subjected to what the Palestinians have endured. If we've learned anything from more than seven decades since the establishment of the State of Israel, it's that Palestinians always resist. They have never stopped resisting, and I expect that resistance to continue, even if Israel manages to achieve its goal of depopulating Gaza. ■How the illusion of the US as a force for good has shattered -You've written extensively about the 'Empire of Illusion' and the triumph of spectacle in the United States. Do you think Gaza has exposed the illusion America sells to our region? Since you mentioned my book Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle, the Trump administration was almost entirely based on spectacle. It was not connected to a real world. And that is exactly what the concept of 'Empire of Illusion' is about. The way we see ourselves is not how the rest of the world sees us. We still believe in the illusion that we promote democracy, virtue, and human rights. That is untrue. And I believe the genocide has exposed that. What I write about in that book is precisely the disconnect between our self-perception and reality. And the wider that gap becomes, the more the US acts based on illusions rather than facts—and the more dangerous it becomes to the world. -You also discussed in one of your books the 'spiritual death' of American civilization. How is this reflected in America's stance toward the Middle East—from the occupation of Iraq to the genocide in Gaza and Trump's call to expel its residents and turn it into a 'Riviera'? I believe that Gaza, in particular, has exposed the 'spiritual death' of the United States. It revealed that we no longer believe in anything, and that all the values we claim to represent are nothing but a lie. After the crime of occupying Iraq, the genocide in Gaza is the crime to end them all. I would say that the moment a nation supports and backs a genocide, it means its soul—if nations indeed have souls—has died. We represent nothing now but brute force, violence, and domination. And I believe this is the manifestation of a civilization in decline. -Based on what you wrote in your book War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, is what's happening in Gaza the final chapter of this false meaning of American power? Is America, at the very least, dying morally? It is not a false power. It is a brute military power—and a gross misuse of military force. When empires are first built, they tend to be more prudent in their use of power. But as their influence and dominance decline, they try to reclaim control through military might. We saw that in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya—all of which were disasters. Go back even further to Vietnam—all military defeats. As the empire loses its global dominance, it becomes more violent and desperate. But this doesn't restore its influence—it only accelerates its downfall. Take, for example, the Peloponnesian War waged by Athens: in its final phase, it invaded Sicily, its fleet was destroyed, its soldiers captured and enslaved. That's how empires die. What we are witnessing today is the classical pattern of imperial collapse. Influence cannot be regained by force—in fact, violence speeds up the end. This is what happened in Iraq, Afghanistan, and even in Ukraine—in my view. -What will remain in the world's memory after America's moral bankruptcy and its abandonment of Gaza to genocide for 19 months? Will this pivotal moment be obscured by lies—or will some bear its burden? I believe that most of the world will see this as a turning point between an old era and a new one. The West will no longer be able to present itself as a morally superior force. The myth of Western supremacy and white civilization ended when the Gaza genocide was left for 19 months. I expect that this moment will fuel stronger resistance movements in the Global South against Western imperialism and Zionism. This, of course, is why the US and Israel are so insistent on persecuting anyone who stands against the genocide and why they try to erase this history. This is why I am in Egypt. As a writer, I have a duty to document this history. I cannot allow it to vanish. My effort is modest, but it is a small attempt to disrupt the Zionist efforts to make people forget. I don't want them to forget—I want them to remember. And I believe this is a defining moment in history. -What about the Global South's growing disillusionment with the US and its turn toward multipolarity? How would you describe the trade war between the US and China? Could it lead to a wider global conflict? America is undergoing industrial decline. In contrast, the Chinese economy is growing and will surpass the US economy. What's happening now is a desperate attempt by the US to prevent China from dominating the global economy—and to stave off its own economic collapse. I don't think this attempt will succeed. But that's the core of the issue. This is what worries us. There are powerful forces within the US government and military that believe armed conflict with China is inevitable. We've already witnessed a massive escalation of US military presence in the South China Sea, which is essentially a NATO expansion, along with warnings about any kind of occupation of Taiwan. I believe that would be catastrophic. But yes, what is currently— in many ways—a cold conflict could potentially become a hot one. And the most likely flashpoint is Taiwan. -What do you make of Donald Trump's statements that Egypt should allow US ships to pass through the Suez Canal for free? Donald Trump has a habit of making foolish statements all the time—from turning Canada into the 51st state to occupying Greenland. This is just another outburst from a profoundly unintelligent president who lacks any real understanding of international relations or foreign affairs. -Yet this idiocy impresses the populist right. To what extent do you see the rise of populism in America as a threat to democracy both domestically and globally? The American system is paralyzed. We have undergone a slow coup. Both parties have become subject to oligarchs and big corporations. There has been deep frustration among the working class, especially betrayed by the Democratic Party. So, they did what betrayed peoples do: they turned to a charlatan and deceiver like Donald Trump and embraced fascist right-wing solutions represented by demonizing immigrants, Muslims, and the poor. This is what happens when societies collapse. Therefore, I see this as a threat to American democracy, which is collapsing day by day. We see this right-wing populism in Hungary, in the rise of the right-wing party in Germany, and Marine Le Pen in France. It is a threat to open society and democracy. And I think it is a very serious threat, but it results from neoliberal policies that made whole segments of these societies redundant, throwing them into a gig economy with no stability or employment benefits. This is the outcome, and this always happens. Aristotle wrote that oligarchic control leaves you with only two options: tyranny or revolution. What we see today is the rise of tyranny. ■How journalists in Gaza are being violently silenced -Returning to Gaza, and with the assassination of journalist Hassan Aslih in a suicide attack recalling the sniper killing of Shireen Abu Akleh – has journalism become a crime in occupied Palestine? In every war I covered, those who committed massacres and war crimes viewed journalism as a threat. That happened in El Salvador, where I covered the war for five years and 22 of my journalist colleagues were killed. It happened in Bosnia, where 45 journalists were killed. It happened in Iraq, where US forces fired on Al Jazeera journalists and killed Reuters reporters, as exposed in the 'Collateral Murder' video. In every war, perpetrators try to hide what they do by threatening, preventing, and even killing those who try to tell the truth. That is why Israel has killed a huge number of journalists in occupied Palestine and recently in Gaza: because they are trying to hide the genocide. What distinguishes Gaza is the sheer number. I have never seen such a number of journalists killed in any war. But yes, this is common in wars: perpetrators consider those who document their crimes criminals themselves and try to defame them and justify deliberately targeting and killing them. When I covered the war in El Salvador, I was accused of supporting the rebel Liberation Front. When I covered Sarajevo, I was accused of being a 'tool in the hands of the Muslim government.' The same in Kosovo. This is what Israel does. They try to say these journalists are not journalists, but working for Hamas. The goal is to suppress information. And if killing is required, they will not hesitate. Israel has done this on a massive and horrifying scale. -The courage of Gaza's journalists has defied all professional safety rules, paying with their blood and flesh to convey the truth. What is your message to our colleagues risking their lives in Gaza and all Palestine? My message is that we honor you. We admire you to the point of awe. Your courage is an inspiration to us all. I pledge that no matter what they do to us abroad because we condemn the genocide, it is incomparable to the sacrifices you bear and the dangers you face. We bow in every moment out of respect for your bravery. -As a Westerner, you were among the first to use the term 'genocide' since the start of the Israeli attack on Gaza following October 7 — why did you tweet outside the Western chorus? Because the declared aim, openly stated by Israeli officials, is to destroy Gaza and make it unlivable. That was clear—blatantly so—from the start. Also, because I spent seven years covering this conflict and understand that the Zionist project always aimed to completely erase the Palestinians. This happened in 1948 with the Nakba when 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from their land, and again in 1967 when 350,000 were displaced. In between and after, Israel practiced 'slow ethnic cleansing'—seen in the gradual expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, now numbering over 700,000 settlers, alongside seizure of water and land. Israel used October 7 as a 'pretext' to complete the Zionist aim of annihilating all Palestinians. -The danger of Zionism is expanding from Palestine to the region. Do you think it poses a threat to the world? And what is your comment on the proposal to demolish Al-Aqsa Mosque to build Solomon's Temple? This is absolute madness. Again, it goes back to the destruction of the Jewish Temple in 70 AD. Some believe they have the right to destroy one of the most important Islamic sites to rebuild a temple that hasn't existed for about 2,000 years. The consequences would be catastrophic. It is part of the effort to erase any Islamic presence in historic Palestine. Remember that archaeology is weaponized by Israelis, who dig through layer after layer—Ottoman, Byzantine—until they find traces of Jewish presence, and destroy everything else. I believe the effort to demolish the mosque is part of this project. Zionism is racism. It is based on glorifying one religion—Judaism—over others. Zionism revolves around sanctifying the Jewish sense of victimhood so that Zionists always see themselves as victims no matter what they do—even if they commit genocide. Zionism is a movement that believes Jews have a divine right to the land Palestinians lived on for centuries just because it is mentioned in the Torah, which is absurd of course. Many elements of Zionism resemble fascism, including the idea of 'blood and land,' the same idea used by Nazis called 'Lebensraum,' which aimed to seize lands in Eastern Europe to expand Germany. This is the core of the 'Greater Israel' project. It is a movement that denies the humanity of others while elevating the Jews. -What is your diagnosis of both the Balfour Declaration and the Sykes-Picot Agreement? The Balfour Declaration was a British attempt during World War I to gain the support of Jews worldwide for the war effort. It was an endeavor to establish a colonial settlement in historic Palestine that served British interests. It directly established an apartheid system, where Jewish settlers coming from Europe were the granted rights and privileges denied to the indigenous population — the Palestinians — who had lived there for centuries. It was an extremely destructive declaration. The Sykes-Picot Agreement, which also came during World War I, divided the Middle East into spheres of influence – especially between the British and the French, and later the Americans – drawing up arbitrary borders — for example, the Kurds were divided into Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran. This agreement created artificial states like Iraq and Jordan. I believe many of the conflicts we witness today have their roots in the Balfour Declaration and the Sykes-Picot Agreement. ■How Arab nations such as Egypt can play a pivotal role in maintaining stability -Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said that normalization between Arab countries and the Israeli occupation will not achieve a just and comprehensive peace without the establishment of a Palestinian state. What is your opinion? Yes, he is right. Because as long as Palestinians continue to be stripped of their rights, as long as justice is not achieved for them, and as long as Israel continues its colonial settlement project, its apartheid system, and genocide, there will be no meaning in the success of the Abraham Accords or others. So, I agree with him. -What do you think about Israel's expansion into other Arab lands under the pretext of security? And what about the future of non-state actors like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Huthis in light of this? Yes. That is the justification Israel has used to occupy southern Lebanon, seize Syrian lands, and control Gaza and the West Bank. It always justifies its attempts to expand Greater Israel in the name of 'security.' All of these — Hezbollah, the Huthis, Hamas — are resistance movements. Hezbollah was founded to resist the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon. Hamas was founded to resist the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank. The Huthis, bravely, tried to respond to genocide by targeting maritime navigation. These movements have been heavily targeted by Israel and the US because they supported the Palestinians and Palestinian resistance. But I don't see how the imperialist project or the Zionist project can be defeated without resistance movements. -Can you explain the reasons behind the escalation of settler violence? Since October 7, Israel has used the attacks as a pretext not only to commit genocide in Gaza but also to seize more land in the West Bank and to commit horrific acts of violence against Palestinians there, which I see as a prelude to annexing the West Bank. The government has armed Jewish settlers with 10,000 automatic weapons. They have formed illegal militias that attack Palestinian villages, terrorize, and kill residents. What we are witnessing is an escalation in the Zionist state's attempt to terrorize and expel Palestinians from the West Bank so that when they finish with Gaza, they will turn to the West Bank to carry out the same expulsion plan. -What's your evaluation of Arab regimes in their handling of the Palestinian cause? It's largely been rhetorical. And in some cases, as with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Jordan, it's been an act of collaboration. I think the fragmentation of Arab countries has prevented a unified response. I think at the very least, there should be a no-fly zone over Gaza. And if Israel refuses to open the borders to stop massive starvation, those borders should be breached in the name of basic human rights and humanitarianism. But I don't see that happening, in either in the world community or in the Arab world. -What about Egypt? Well, I mean, the question is whether the Israelis will attempt to push the Palestinians into the northern Sinai. Israel has withdrawn its ambassador. The Israeli press is constantly attacking Egypt, supposedly over a military buildup in the northern Sinai. So there are already tensions. You know more than I do, but my reading of it is that if, for instance, Israel breached the border, pushed Palestinians in defiance of the Egyptian government, pushed these people into the Sinai, that could lead to a catastrophic development and maybe even to hostilities. Whether Israel is willing to take that gamble, I don't know. Given Israel's 'impudence' and the moral collapse of the West, do you think the world needs a new ethical system? The world needs a new non-alignment movement, similar to the one led by Tito, Nehru, and Nasser. If we had such a movement, supported by such leadership, this genocide would not have happened. How then do you evaluate Gamal Abdel Nasser's policies? How should we revive his legacy in our region? He was an extremely important figure because he challenged Western imperialism and affirmed Egypt's right to control its resources and history. He challenged the Zionists and built alliances with strong leaders like the ones I mentioned, to be a formidable barrier against imperialism and Zionism. From this perspective, I see him as a highly significant figure. I don't know. Sadat did a good job destroying him. But what we really need is a return to those Nasserite principles — the Middle East needs his ideas, in my opinion. -In a time when ethics have collapsed and false narratives spread, what is the role of the journalist and writer? The writer is always tasked with giving voice to those whom the powerful seek to silence. We must follow the example of our Palestinian colleagues and continue coverage, even if it costs us our lives. This is something I had to face during the war in former Yugoslavia, throughout the war in El Salvador, during the civil war in Algeria, and the civil war in Yemen. It is dangerous work, but if no one is willing to do it, darkness will engulf the world. The truth will not emerge, and the voices of the oppressed will not be heard. -Finally, what would you like to say to the Palestinian people on the anniversary of the Nakba? Does Chris believe Palestine will be liberated? Keep resisting. Keep resisting. Keep resisting, and continue your struggle until your land is liberated – 'from the river to the sea.' Yes, I believe it will be liberated because truth has great power. But it will not be liberated if we do not resist. So, there is no choice but resistance — we must all resist in any possible way.
