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Lee Jae-myung: The man set to take over South Korea's turbulent democracy

Lee Jae-myung: The man set to take over South Korea's turbulent democracy

Irish Times2 days ago

The crowd outside Seoul Children's Grand Park was a few hundred strong, many of them holding blue balloons and some with flags on flexible poles about 10 metres tall.
The mood was buoyant, principally because their Democratic Party candidate, Lee Jae-myung (61), was more than 10 points ahead in the polls. He is on course to win South Korea's presidential election next Tuesday.
Warm-up speakers reminded supporters that early voting was under way (more than 20 per cent of eligible voters had cast their ballots by Friday morning) and led chants of the candidate's name.
Then local politicians dressed in the blue-and-white campaign uniform joined younger activists in a K pop-style dance to welcome Lee onstage.
READ MORE
Lee, who survived an assassination attempt last year, campaigns in a bulletproof vest and he spoke from a lectern behind three protective screens with personal protection officers on either side of him.
Narrowly defeated by
Yoon Suk Yeol
of the conservative People Power Party in 2022, Lee's second tilt at the
South Korean
presidency has come two years ahead of schedule following
Yoon's impeachment in April over his declaration of martial law last December
.
'I never imagined that martial law would be declared in broad daylight for no apparent reason. I couldn't believe it,' Lee told the crowd at Seoul Children's Grand Park.
'This country, which is one of the world's top 10 economic powers and even called a cultural powerhouse, so that people all over the world sing Korean pop songs, watch Korean dramas, eat Korean food, and want to visit Korea ... would anyone believe that such a country would have a coup and become a military dictatorship where soldiers run the country?'
Yoon Suk Yeol, then South Korean president, makes a televised briefing on December 3rd in which he declares martial law. Photograph: Ahn Young-joon/AP
Yoon, frustrated by what he saw as illegitimate obstructionism by the Democratic Party's majority in the National Assembly, declared martial law in a televised announcement at 10.30pm on December 3rd.
He suspended all political activity, put the media under state control and deployed hundreds of armed troops to the legislature in an attempt to prevent it from meeting.
Crowds gathered at the National Assembly building to stop the military from occupying it and helped legislators to climb over barriers to go inside.
By 4.30am, they voted by 190 votes to zero to overturn the martial law declaration. Six hours after he made it, Yoon revoked it.
The legislature voted to impeach Yoon on December 14th and he was arrested a month later for abuse of power, prompting a riot by his supporters.
Last month, the constitutional court unanimously confirmed Yoon's impeachment, opening the way to next week's presidential election.
Lee has dismissed the conservative People Power Party's candidate Kim Moon Soo as 'Yoon's avatar', warning that his victory could see a return of the former president and those around him.
Political scientist Kim Woo Sang said: 'The impact is that the framing of this presidential election is the one the Democratic Party is making, that we have to do away with the so-called treacherous and treasonous forces, and that they are the democrats which will turn the country around.'
Kim Moon Soo, centre, the candidate for South Korea's People Power Party, arrives to cast his ballot during early voting for the presidential election on Thursday. Photograph: Jung Yeon-je/Getty
A former adviser to Kim Dae-jung, the Democratic Party's most successful president of South Korea, Kim Woo Sang also served as a member of the National Assembly.
But he is suspicious of Lee, whom the conservative People Power Party accuse of having dictatorial tendencies.
'If he becomes a dictator, he will be a dictator because he already has the legislature doing his bidding, constitutional or not. They say that he can do no wrong,' he said.
'So if he becomes president, he will push through Bills as he sees fit. He's already been blackmailing and threatening the judiciary, which was the only leftover of the so-called free system.'
Born into poverty in a remote mountain village, Lee skipped secondary school to work in a factory where an industrial accident caused a permanent injury to his arm at the age of 13. He went back to school later, winning a scholarship to university to study law and going on to work as a human rights lawyer.
A former mayor of Seongnam, a city of one million people and governor of Gyeonggi province, Lee has faced investigations for corruption, bribery and conflicts of interest.
Last November, he was convicted of making false statements during the 2022 presidential election campaign, but the conviction was overturned by the Seoul high court in March.
The supreme court overturned that decision on May 1st, sending the case back to the high court. His Democratic Party has floated a proposal to expand the supreme court from 14 justices to 30 or even 100, including non-lawyers.
Lee has played down the proposal during the campaign, but reforming the judiciary is among the proposals in his party's official platform published this week.
The platform also includes proposals for democratic control over the president's right to declare martial law and plans to punish those who supported Yoon's actions last December.
Although Yoon's invocation of martial law was a shock to South Korea's democracy, his fall from grace is part of a pattern. Since the introduction of democracy in the late 1980s, almost every president has ended up being impeached or jailed.
'To all intents and purposes, it's a democracy. But its democracy has a particular characteristic where the emphasis is on the rule by the people as opposed to the rule by the institutions,' said Michael Breen, the author of The New Koreans, who has lived in Seoul for more than 40 years.
'There's a word called minshim, which means public sentiment, but in the Korean meaning it's something more visceral. It's like a collective emotional feeling. What happened when democracy came is that authoritarianism went out of the window and moving into its place was this idea of the voice of the people.'
Protesters take part in a demonstration last December in Seoul against Yoon Suk Yeol, then president. Photograph: Ezra Acayan/Getty
As a former correspondent for British and American newspapers, Breen has watched the same pattern unfold during each South Korean presidency. The president can only serve one five-year term in office and each one starts with a high approval rating.
'Then it goes down, down, down. And by the end, their own party's candidate to succeed them doesn't want their support it because it's just poison, he said.
'And what we've had added into that mix of that pattern now is impeachment. So when the Democratic Party won a majority last year in the assembly, they interpreted that as a message from the people. Their stated objective was to get rid of Yoon, and then he obliged by being a jerk.'
Despite his legal problems, Lee may be protected from the threat of impeachment by the majority his Democratic Party commands in the national assembly and the lack of legislative elections for the next three years.
So he has a good chance of implementing the policies he has campaigned on, including on foreign affairs and relations with
North Korea
.
Yoon took a hard line towards Pyongyang, downgrading the institutional framework that is supposed to be preparing for reunification and focusing instead on bolstering South Korea's defence. He drew close to the
United States
and, more controversially,
Japan
and adopted a more confrontational approach to
China
and
Russia
.
A woman in Seoul walks past a banner showing Lee Jae-myung, the presidential candidate for the Democratic Party, and Kim Moon Soo, the People Power Party's contender. Photograph: Anthony Wallace/Getty
Lee has promised to reduce tensions on the Korean peninsula by restoring communication lines with Pyongyang, although he has acknowledged there is no immediate prospect of dialogue. This is because North Korea has formally abandoned its aspiration for unification and declared South Korea its enemy.
Lee made clear this week that one motivation for his wish to renew engagement with North Korea is to ensure that Seoul is not cut out of talks if
Donald Trump
revives his negotiations with
Kim Jong Un
. Trump met the North Korean leader during his first term in the White House and they exchanged numerous letters, but denuclearisation talks ended in failure.
'The North Korean denuclearisation process has long since stalled. The North's nuclear and missile capabilities are growing stronger every day. We can no longer stand idly by,' he said.
'North Korea policy should not be a political tool. We should only think about how to achieve peace and unification.'
Lee has also advocated a reset of South Korea's relationships with China and Russia, along with other Brics countries, a prospect that causes unease in some European capitals. He defended his approach this week as a pragmatic response to a shifting geopolitical landscape.
'China is South Korea's important trading partner and a key influence on the security of the Korean Peninsula. I would stabilise the relationship between China, which has reached its lowest point under the previous administration,' he said.
'US-Russia relations and the war in Ukraine are entering a new phase. I would treat our relations with Russia from a national interest-first perspective, contribute to the reconstruction of Ukraine and conduct pragmatic diplomacy for the security of Korea and our businesses.'
Voters in Seoul queue to cast their ballots on Friday during early voting in the presidential election. Photograph: Anthony Wallace/Getty
Trump has threatened to impose a 25 per cent
tariff
on all Korean goods, although he has postponed its implementation for 90 days along with his 'reciprocal tariffs' on other countries. Reports from Washington suggest that his administration is also considering cuts to the US military presence in South Korea and demanding that Seoul pays more to keep them there.
'I would say if Trump pulls troops out and raises the tariffs like that, I think public opinion towards the US will certainly not be good,' Kim said.
'And then if Lee Jae-myung is president, he will use that to oppose the US, reorient and grow closer to China and Russia. I think that's how it's going to work out.'
Breen is more sanguine and although he has his doubts about Lee's commitment to real political reform that could limit his powers as president he believes fears about a shift in foreign policy are overblown.
'I think he's a pragmatist. He's talked about the importance of the American relationship and it's the most important relationship,' he said.
'He might make an effort towards China, but he'll have to be careful not to be embarrassed by them because they will want something more than he's able to give.
'I think every country is having this problem now because of where Trump is going with tariffs and stuff. You've got to be on the right side of that in a very pragmatic way.'

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Lee Jae-myung: The man set to take over South Korea's turbulent democracy
Lee Jae-myung: The man set to take over South Korea's turbulent democracy

Irish Times

time2 days ago

  • Irish Times

Lee Jae-myung: The man set to take over South Korea's turbulent democracy

The crowd outside Seoul Children's Grand Park was a few hundred strong, many of them holding blue balloons and some with flags on flexible poles about 10 metres tall. The mood was buoyant, principally because their Democratic Party candidate, Lee Jae-myung (61), was more than 10 points ahead in the polls. He is on course to win South Korea's presidential election next Tuesday. Warm-up speakers reminded supporters that early voting was under way (more than 20 per cent of eligible voters had cast their ballots by Friday morning) and led chants of the candidate's name. Then local politicians dressed in the blue-and-white campaign uniform joined younger activists in a K pop-style dance to welcome Lee onstage. READ MORE Lee, who survived an assassination attempt last year, campaigns in a bulletproof vest and he spoke from a lectern behind three protective screens with personal protection officers on either side of him. Narrowly defeated by Yoon Suk Yeol of the conservative People Power Party in 2022, Lee's second tilt at the South Korean presidency has come two years ahead of schedule following Yoon's impeachment in April over his declaration of martial law last December . 'I never imagined that martial law would be declared in broad daylight for no apparent reason. I couldn't believe it,' Lee told the crowd at Seoul Children's Grand Park. 'This country, which is one of the world's top 10 economic powers and even called a cultural powerhouse, so that people all over the world sing Korean pop songs, watch Korean dramas, eat Korean food, and want to visit Korea ... would anyone believe that such a country would have a coup and become a military dictatorship where soldiers run the country?' Yoon Suk Yeol, then South Korean president, makes a televised briefing on December 3rd in which he declares martial law. Photograph: Ahn Young-joon/AP Yoon, frustrated by what he saw as illegitimate obstructionism by the Democratic Party's majority in the National Assembly, declared martial law in a televised announcement at 10.30pm on December 3rd. He suspended all political activity, put the media under state control and deployed hundreds of armed troops to the legislature in an attempt to prevent it from meeting. Crowds gathered at the National Assembly building to stop the military from occupying it and helped legislators to climb over barriers to go inside. By 4.30am, they voted by 190 votes to zero to overturn the martial law declaration. Six hours after he made it, Yoon revoked it. The legislature voted to impeach Yoon on December 14th and he was arrested a month later for abuse of power, prompting a riot by his supporters. Last month, the constitutional court unanimously confirmed Yoon's impeachment, opening the way to next week's presidential election. Lee has dismissed the conservative People Power Party's candidate Kim Moon Soo as 'Yoon's avatar', warning that his victory could see a return of the former president and those around him. Political scientist Kim Woo Sang said: 'The impact is that the framing of this presidential election is the one the Democratic Party is making, that we have to do away with the so-called treacherous and treasonous forces, and that they are the democrats which will turn the country around.' Kim Moon Soo, centre, the candidate for South Korea's People Power Party, arrives to cast his ballot during early voting for the presidential election on Thursday. Photograph: Jung Yeon-je/Getty A former adviser to Kim Dae-jung, the Democratic Party's most successful president of South Korea, Kim Woo Sang also served as a member of the National Assembly. But he is suspicious of Lee, whom the conservative People Power Party accuse of having dictatorial tendencies. 'If he becomes a dictator, he will be a dictator because he already has the legislature doing his bidding, constitutional or not. They say that he can do no wrong,' he said. 'So if he becomes president, he will push through Bills as he sees fit. He's already been blackmailing and threatening the judiciary, which was the only leftover of the so-called free system.' Born into poverty in a remote mountain village, Lee skipped secondary school to work in a factory where an industrial accident caused a permanent injury to his arm at the age of 13. He went back to school later, winning a scholarship to university to study law and going on to work as a human rights lawyer. A former mayor of Seongnam, a city of one million people and governor of Gyeonggi province, Lee has faced investigations for corruption, bribery and conflicts of interest. Last November, he was convicted of making false statements during the 2022 presidential election campaign, but the conviction was overturned by the Seoul high court in March. The supreme court overturned that decision on May 1st, sending the case back to the high court. His Democratic Party has floated a proposal to expand the supreme court from 14 justices to 30 or even 100, including non-lawyers. Lee has played down the proposal during the campaign, but reforming the judiciary is among the proposals in his party's official platform published this week. The platform also includes proposals for democratic control over the president's right to declare martial law and plans to punish those who supported Yoon's actions last December. Although Yoon's invocation of martial law was a shock to South Korea's democracy, his fall from grace is part of a pattern. Since the introduction of democracy in the late 1980s, almost every president has ended up being impeached or jailed. 'To all intents and purposes, it's a democracy. But its democracy has a particular characteristic where the emphasis is on the rule by the people as opposed to the rule by the institutions,' said Michael Breen, the author of The New Koreans, who has lived in Seoul for more than 40 years. 'There's a word called minshim, which means public sentiment, but in the Korean meaning it's something more visceral. It's like a collective emotional feeling. What happened when democracy came is that authoritarianism went out of the window and moving into its place was this idea of the voice of the people.' Protesters take part in a demonstration last December in Seoul against Yoon Suk Yeol, then president. Photograph: Ezra Acayan/Getty As a former correspondent for British and American newspapers, Breen has watched the same pattern unfold during each South Korean presidency. The president can only serve one five-year term in office and each one starts with a high approval rating. 'Then it goes down, down, down. And by the end, their own party's candidate to succeed them doesn't want their support it because it's just poison, he said. 'And what we've had added into that mix of that pattern now is impeachment. So when the Democratic Party won a majority last year in the assembly, they interpreted that as a message from the people. Their stated objective was to get rid of Yoon, and then he obliged by being a jerk.' Despite his legal problems, Lee may be protected from the threat of impeachment by the majority his Democratic Party commands in the national assembly and the lack of legislative elections for the next three years. So he has a good chance of implementing the policies he has campaigned on, including on foreign affairs and relations with North Korea . Yoon took a hard line towards Pyongyang, downgrading the institutional framework that is supposed to be preparing for reunification and focusing instead on bolstering South Korea's defence. He drew close to the United States and, more controversially, Japan and adopted a more confrontational approach to China and Russia . A woman in Seoul walks past a banner showing Lee Jae-myung, the presidential candidate for the Democratic Party, and Kim Moon Soo, the People Power Party's contender. Photograph: Anthony Wallace/Getty Lee has promised to reduce tensions on the Korean peninsula by restoring communication lines with Pyongyang, although he has acknowledged there is no immediate prospect of dialogue. This is because North Korea has formally abandoned its aspiration for unification and declared South Korea its enemy. Lee made clear this week that one motivation for his wish to renew engagement with North Korea is to ensure that Seoul is not cut out of talks if Donald Trump revives his negotiations with Kim Jong Un . Trump met the North Korean leader during his first term in the White House and they exchanged numerous letters, but denuclearisation talks ended in failure. 'The North Korean denuclearisation process has long since stalled. The North's nuclear and missile capabilities are growing stronger every day. We can no longer stand idly by,' he said. 'North Korea policy should not be a political tool. We should only think about how to achieve peace and unification.' Lee has also advocated a reset of South Korea's relationships with China and Russia, along with other Brics countries, a prospect that causes unease in some European capitals. He defended his approach this week as a pragmatic response to a shifting geopolitical landscape. 'China is South Korea's important trading partner and a key influence on the security of the Korean Peninsula. I would stabilise the relationship between China, which has reached its lowest point under the previous administration,' he said. 'US-Russia relations and the war in Ukraine are entering a new phase. I would treat our relations with Russia from a national interest-first perspective, contribute to the reconstruction of Ukraine and conduct pragmatic diplomacy for the security of Korea and our businesses.' Voters in Seoul queue to cast their ballots on Friday during early voting in the presidential election. Photograph: Anthony Wallace/Getty Trump has threatened to impose a 25 per cent tariff on all Korean goods, although he has postponed its implementation for 90 days along with his 'reciprocal tariffs' on other countries. Reports from Washington suggest that his administration is also considering cuts to the US military presence in South Korea and demanding that Seoul pays more to keep them there. 'I would say if Trump pulls troops out and raises the tariffs like that, I think public opinion towards the US will certainly not be good,' Kim said. 'And then if Lee Jae-myung is president, he will use that to oppose the US, reorient and grow closer to China and Russia. I think that's how it's going to work out.' Breen is more sanguine and although he has his doubts about Lee's commitment to real political reform that could limit his powers as president he believes fears about a shift in foreign policy are overblown. 'I think he's a pragmatist. He's talked about the importance of the American relationship and it's the most important relationship,' he said. 'He might make an effort towards China, but he'll have to be careful not to be embarrassed by them because they will want something more than he's able to give. 'I think every country is having this problem now because of where Trump is going with tariffs and stuff. You've got to be on the right side of that in a very pragmatic way.'

It wasn't just the decapitated turtles that made those Chinese women run so fast. So what were they on?
It wasn't just the decapitated turtles that made those Chinese women run so fast. So what were they on?

Irish Times

time2 days ago

  • Irish Times

It wasn't just the decapitated turtles that made those Chinese women run so fast. So what were they on?

As with most seismic episodes in life, I can recall exactly where we were and what we were doing. As international students in the Ivy League, there was no fear of deportation to rattle our worlds in September 1993. But the news that a woman on the other side of the world had just run eight minutes and six seconds for 3,000 metres was shocking. This was among the legion of world records broken by Chinese women at the 1993 Beijing National Games, where six women ran under previous world records in three different events a total of 14 times, wrapped up by the 8:06.11 clocked by Wang Junxia to win the 3,000 metres. It seemed quite simply inconceivable, and the passing of time has only reinforced that notion. We were in our senior year, close to our running prime, and Wang's 8:06.11 was faster than any of us had run on the men's track team, international or otherwise. There was nothing whatsoever sexist or chauvinistic in being dismayed, only the crushing realisation our times were paling into insignificance. I didn't have my ear to the ground so much in those days and the news had come via a weekly call home, as all news usually did, my dad coming on the phone and dispensing with any pleasantries. 'You will not believe this,' he said. The women's 1,500 metre, 3,000 metre and 10,000 metre world records had all been utterly obliterated in Beijing, with a crazy series of times that in no way added up. READ MORE I didn't imagine I'd be writing about them 32 years later. Wang's 3,000 metre time still stands as the world record, for years untouchable. Kenya's Beatrice Chebet, the double Olympic champion from Paris last summer, got closest when she ran 8:11.56 in the Diamond League in Rabat last Sunday. Still more than five seconds off Wang's mark. Maybe we shouldn't have been shocked. After all, we'd already had ample warning of what the Chinese women were capable of. A month before, at the 1993 World Championships in Stuttgart, they pulled off what is now considered one of the great daylight robberies in the long history of track and field – and inextricably entangled with the career of our own Sonia O'Sullivan . In one of her last races before Stuttgart, O'Sullivan clocked 8:30.12 to win the 3,000 metres at the Zurich Golden League, the fastest time in Europe, making her one of the gold medal favourites. At that point in time, little was known about the nine Chinese women runners in Stuttgart, all entered in the 1,500 metres, 3,000 metres and 10,000 metres, and all coached by Ma Junren, who had set up several high-altitude training camps in remote locations around China. Junren had no athletics background, smoked 40 cigarettes a day and admitted losing up to 10 per cent of his athletes through injury. He kept his women distance runners in strict regimental tow, promptly earning them the title Ma's Army. Despite their complete lack of global championship experience, they won all three medals in the 3,000 metres in Stuttgart, led home by Qu Yunxia, relegating O'Sullivan to fourth. [ Sex, drugs and alcohol: Excuses never far away when it comes to doping offences Opens in new window ] Six days later, O'Sullivan did manage to break the Chinese dominance in the 1,500 metres, winning silver behind Liu Dong. Earlier in the week, Wang won the 10,000 metres, meaning the Chinese women claimed six out of a possible nine medals in the three running events they entered. This was only a prelude to what was to come in Beijing a month later. Wang broke three world records, first lowering the 10,000 metre mark to 29:31.78, smashing the 30:17.74 which had stood to Norway's lngrid Kristiansen since 1986. Wang then ran a 3,000 metre world record of 8:12.19 in the heats, before improving that to 8:06.11 in the final. Yunxia also built on her Stuttgart success to break the 1,500 metre world record, running 3:50.46. The previous records there had stood to Tatyana Kazankina from the former Soviet Union, whose career ended abruptly in 1984 when she was suspended for 18 months for refusing to do a drugs test. God knows what kind of anti-doping programme was in place in Beijing in 1993 but none of Ma's Army ever failed a test. Yunxia's 1,500 metre record stood for 22 years, and Wang's 10,000 metre record for 23 years. Junren always put their success down to their marathon-a-day training, plus his own range of Chinese potions, including the warm blood of a freshly decapitated turtle. The following summer, O'Sullivan improved her Irish 3,000 metre record to 8:21.64 at Crystal Palace in London, the fastest time ever run outside of China, and which stood as the European record for eight years. After winning the 5,000 metres at the 1995 World Championships in Helsinki, O'Sullivan pushed herself harder again when preparing for the 1996 Atlanta Olympics, possibly too hard. Wang won gold in the 5,000 metres, and silver in the 10,000 metres. [ World Anti-Doping Agency faces crisis after US government withholds funding Opens in new window ] According to Chinese state media reports, released in February 2016, all nine of Ma's Army in Stuttgart were forced to take 'large doses of illegal drugs over the years'. A letter, signed by Wang and her eight team-mates in 1995, also detailed the regime of state-sponsored doping. In October 2017 there was further evidence , former Chinese team doctor Xue Yinxian telling German broadcaster ARD that all medals won by Chinese athletes in the 1980s and 1990s should be handed back, given they were 'showered in doping'. Maybe it is too late now for those medals to be returned, or for those record times to be erased, but one question remains: what on earth were they taking? They'd clearly discovered some unique concoction of banned substances to be that far ahead of everyone else in 1993, including us poor and innocent hopefuls in the Ivy League.

US-China trade talks ‘stalled', says Scott Bessent
US-China trade talks ‘stalled', says Scott Bessent

Irish Times

time3 days ago

  • Irish Times

US-China trade talks ‘stalled', says Scott Bessent

Trade talks between the US and China are 'a bit stalled' and may need to be reinvigorated with a call between US President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping , US treasury secretary Scott Bessent has said. The comments suggest that the two sides have made little progress since they agreed two weeks ago during talks in Geneva to a truce that would reduce tit-for-tat tariffs that had soared to as high as 145 per cent. 'I believe we will be having more talks in the next few weeks and I believe we might at some point have a call between the president and party chair Xi,' Mr Bessent said. 'Given the magnitude of the talks ... this is going to require both leaders to weigh in with each other,' he said. 'They have a very good relationship and I am confident that the Chinese will come to the table when President Trump makes his preferences known.' READ MORE China's ministry of foreign affairs on Friday declined to comment on Mr Bessent's remarks. Mr Trump has on various occasions raised the possibility of a phone call with Xi. He insisted before the talks on May 12th that they had spoken but China has consistently denied this. [ In the game of chicken between the US and China, round one goes to Beijing Opens in new window ] After the talks in Switzerland, the two countries said they would slash tariffs on each other's goods for at least the next 90 days, with the extra levies the US imposed on China this year falling to 30 per cent and China's declining to 10 per cent. As part of the deal, China also agreed to 'suspend or cancel' non-tariff measures against the US, but did not provide any details. Ford Chief Lisa Brankin on accelerating the switch to EVs Listen | 41:35 The Chinese ministry of commerce said after the talks that both sides had agreed to set up a 'China-US economic and trade consultation mechanism, to maintain close communication on respective concerns in the economic and trade fields and to carry out further consultations'. It said the two sides would hold consultations regularly or as needed, 'alternating between China and the United States, or in a mutually agreed third country'. But since then, there have been few public announcements on the talks from either side, with the Trump administration instead imposing further restrictions on the use of US technology by Chinese companies. Shortly after the Geneva talks, Washington warned companies around the world that using artificial intelligence chips made by Huawei could trigger criminal penalties for violating US export controls. The US commerce department has also told US companies that offer software used to design semiconductors to stop selling their services to Chinese groups, in the latest attempt to make it harder for China to develop advanced chips. 'From the perspective of the long-term and complex nature of the struggle with the US, we should not only be fully prepared for negotiations but also be ready for a prolonged confrontation,' wrote Huo Jianguo, a vice-chair of the China Society for World Trade Organization Studies on Beijing, in Communist Party affiliated media China Economic Net. – Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025

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