
How the Trump shooting supercharged beliefs in a divine right of MAGA
The reference is unmistakable for most anyone who attended that fateful rally on July 13, 2024. A few hours before Trump spoke, the 30-by-60-foot flag suspended over the stage got wrapped up in the wind.
'Some people thought it looked like an angel,' said Keith Karns, the pastor of the Church of God at Connoquenessing.
The image of the twisted flag quickly joined the constellation of MAGA symbols, alongside the photo of Trump's blood-streaked cheek and raised fist. A year's passage has clarified how the assassination attempt was a turning point for the religious dimension to Trump's movement, leading to his claim at his second inauguration to a divine mandate: 'I was saved by God to Make America Great Again.'
There were already whispers of messianism among some of Trump's supporters, such as the QAnon offshoot called Negative 48 whose members frequented his rallies in 2022. Trump has long claimed that God was on his movement's side, and attendees at Trump rallies have routinely described the events in spiritual terms.
But after the assassination attempt, many of his followers — and most notably Trump himself — more explicitly cast him as a divine instrument.
'It is difficult not to see the hand of Providence in Trump's survival of two assassination attempts, one by less than an inch,' said Ralph Reed, an influential evangelical leader and Republican strategist. 'President Trump has said publicly he believes God spared his life, and millions of his supporters feel the same way. For what purpose only God knows, but it clearly isn't an insubstantial one.'
Internal data and modeling from Reed's Faith and Freedom Coalition estimates that the population of social conservatives and evangelicals has increased tenfold since the 1990s and by about 30 percent since 2010. That increase comes even as fewer Americans are regularly attending church. Only 37 percent of U.S. adults attended religious services at least once a month in 2024, down from 55 percent in 1972 and 47 percent in 2000, according to the General Social Survey by NORC at the University of Chicago.
Politics increasingly entered the pulpit at the demand of congregants, and pastors indulged those demands for fear of losing members, according to the journalist Tim Alberta in his 2024 book 'The Kingdom, the Power and the Glory.' On Monday the Trump administration said a federal prohibition on campaigning by nonprofit organizations does not apply to houses of worship, implementing a long-standing campaign promise to let churches make more explicit political endorsements.
Trump has never been known for his personal piety, but he has long enjoyed the overwhelming support of evangelicals. His own reaction to the Butler shooting was initially, 'I'm not supposed to be here' — meaning he was not supposed to be alive — according to a new book about the campaign, '2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America.' (The book is co-written by the author of this article.)
His top adviser, Susie Wiles, told him, 'You do know this is God,' the book says. After that, Trump began saying: 'If anyone ever doubted there was a God, that proved there was.'
In Butler the day after the shooting, county GOP chair Jim Hulings recalled trying to return to the crime scene and being unable to get near it across the police tape. But he did notice that all the church parking lots were full.
'We cling to our guns and our Bibles,' Hulings said, reappropriating an infamous remark about small-town Pennsylvania that Barack Obama made at a San Francisco fundraiser in 2008.
That morning at the Church of God at Connoquenessing, Karns preached about the fragility of life, quoting Psalm 90 likening man's time on Earth to the grass that grows and withers.
His own son, daughters-in-law and grandchildren were at the rally, seated in the bleachers behind the stage. They became friendly with a kind man seated in front of them, Corey Comperatore, a 50-year-old local volunteer firefighter who was there with his family. Before Trump arrived, Comperatore had helped Karns's 12-year-old granddaughter, Alexa, recover her dropped phone after it fell through the bleachers, and he passed out water bottles to help those around him stay hydrated in the heat.
When the gunman opened fire from a nearby factory roof, Comperatore was struck and killed trying to protect his family.
'It's one of those things where you feel like you're in this place at a certain time, and there's a reason for it,' Lisa Karns, Alexa's mother and the pastor's daughter-in-law, said. 'I felt like, 'God, why take him? You could have taken me.''
That night the Karns family met with the pastor and showed him the photos of the twisted flag. He decided to put the image on a sign for the church, as a message of comfort, to thank God for keeping them safe and to honor Comperatore. 'It wasn't necessarily a political statement,' he said.
On the way home, Alexa told Lisa Karns that she had prayed for Trump before the rally, asking God to protect him. Lisa Karns suggested she write Trump a card telling him.
'Dear President Trump,' the 12-year-old wrote in green pen, under a sketch of an American flag, 'I was on the same bleachers of the man who died. … Before the rally I had prayed that you wouldn't get shot because it sounded like something that might happen. God answered my prayers. … I will still pray for you. I hope you win the election!'
He wrote back a few weeks later. 'For you and all those in attendance on that fateful day, we remain resolved to fight for our great country,' Trump and his wife, Melania, said. 'May God bless you and keep you safe, little one.' Lisa Karns framed the letter and hung it on a wall in their home.
The Republican National Convention that immediately followed the shooting brought talk of God's hand from private rumblings to the prime-time stage.
'That was a transformation,' Tucker Carlson said on the final night in Milwaukee. 'This was no longer a man.'
'Divine intervention,' a man shouted from the floor.
'I think it was,' Carlson agreed. He went on: 'I think even people who don't believe in God are beginning to think, 'Maybe there's something to this, actually.''
Trump's son Eric embraced the sentiment in his speech introducing his father: 'By the grace of God, divine intervention and your guardian angels above, you survived.'
The candidate himself attested, 'I felt very safe because I had God on my side.'
By the time Trump returned to Butler for a second rally in October, a man dragged a wooden cross up and down the road to the fairgrounds. At a prayer circle the night before, Susan Sevy from East Liverpool, Ohio, who had also attended the July rally, said the time when Trump was shot, 6:11 p.m., corresponded to a verse of Ephesians about putting on the armor of God.
On the rally stage, speakers recalled seeing signs or hearing a heavenly voice.
'That flag right there displayed like a crucifix or an angel on it,' Butler Township Commissioner Sam Zurzolo said. 'I know everybody has seen that, and I think that was a warning,'
'I heard a voice — loud, clear, rich and reassuring,' said James Sweetland, a retired ER doctor who tended to Comperatore. 'It spoke to me. It said, 'Go. Go they need your help. … I'm telling you right now that was a voice of God.'
The Trump campaign worked to bring back attendees from the first rally, and the Karns family returned to sit in the rows of chairs below the bleachers. At one point during the early speeches, the sound system glitched, and someone shouted for a medic, and the pastor's other daughter-in-law, Christie Karns, felt her anxiety spike. She wondered why she had come back and put herself through this, she said.
At that moment, the giant flag overhead flipped on itself again, resuming the Y shape that reminded her of an angel. Then it gracefully flipped back to normal.
'We just all looked at each other and we were like, 'Oh my word,'' Christie Karns said. 'No one could have done that. It could have only been God. And it just gave us that peace.'
In church last Sunday, Pastor Karns returned to the theme of fragility, again referencing the metaphor of grass that grows and withers. 'It's here one minute, and the next minute it's gone,' he said. In his sermon he asked worshipers to reflect on the past year, considering the trials they faced and the strength God gave them.
'It took a very strong man who could help right our country back to being God's country,' Lisa Karns said. 'I do feel like God protected him to help our country.'
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Fox News
23 minutes ago
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The Hill
28 minutes ago
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San Francisco Chronicle
33 minutes ago
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US manufacturers are stuck in a rut despite subsidies from Biden and protection from Trump
WASHINGTON (AP) — Democrats and Republicans don't agree on much, but they share a conviction that the government should help American manufacturers, one way or another. Democratic President Joe Biden handed out subsidies to chipmakers and electric vehicle manufacturers. Republican President Donald Trump is building a wall of import taxes — tariffs — around the U.S. economy to protect domestic industry from foreign competition. Yet American manufacturing has been stuck in a rut for nearly three years. And it remains to be seen whether the trend will reverse itself. The U.S. Labor Department reports that American factories shed 7,000 jobs in June for the second month in a row. Manufacturing employment is on track to drop for the third straight year. The Institute for Supply Management, an association of purchasing managers, reported that manufacturing activity in the United States shrank in June for the fourth straight month. In fact, U.S. factories have been in decline for 30 of the 32 months since October 2022, according to ISM. 'The past three years have been a real slog for manufacturing,'' said Eric Hagopian, CEO of Pilot Precision Products, a maker of industrial cutting tools in South Deerfield, Massachusetts. 'We didn't get destroyed like we did in the recession of 2008. But we've been in this stagnant, sort of stationary environment.'' Big economic factors contributed to the slowdown: A surge in inflation, arising from the unexpectedly strong economic recovery from COVID-19, raised factory expenses and prompted the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates 11 times in 2022 and 2023. The higher borrowing costs added to the strain. Government policy was meant to help. Biden's tax incentives for semiconductor and clean energy production triggered a factory-building boom – investment in manufacturing facilities more than tripled from April 2021 through October 2024 – that seemed to herald a coming surge in factory production and hiring. Eventually anyway. But the factory investment spree has faded as the incoming Trump administration launched trade wars and, working with Congress, ended Biden's subsidies for green energy. Now, predicts Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody's Analytics, 'manufacturing production will continue to flatline.' 'If production is flat, that suggests manufacturing employment will continue to slide,' Zandi said. 'Manufacturing is likely to suffer a recession in the coming year.'' Meanwhile, Trump is attempting to protect U.S. manufacturers — and to coax factories to relocate and produce in America — by imposing tariffs on goods made overseas. He slapped 50% taxes on steel and aluminum, 25% on autos and auto parts, 10% on many other imports. In some ways, Trump's tariffs can give U.S. factories an edge. Chris Zuzick, vice president at Waukesha Metal Products, said the Sussex, Wisconsin-based manufacturer is facing stiff competition for a big contract in Texas. A foreign company offers much lower prices. But 'when you throw the tariff on, it gets us closer,'' Zuzick said. 'So that's definitely a situation where it's beneficial.'' But American factories import and use foreign products, too – machinery, chemicals, raw materials like steel and aluminum. Taxing those inputs can drive up costs and make U.S producers less competitive in world markets. Consider steel. Trump's tariffs don't just make imported steel more expensive. By putting the foreign competition at a disadvantage, the tariffs allow U.S. steelmakers to raise prices – and they have. U.S.-made steel was priced at $960 per metric ton as of June 23, more than double the world export price of $440 per ton, according to industry monitor SteelBenchmarker. In fact, U.S. steel prices are so high that Pilot Precision Products has continued to buy the steel it needs from suppliers in Austria and France — and pay Trump's tariff. Trump has also created considerable uncertainty by repeatedly tweaking and rescheduling his tariffs. Just before new import taxes were set to take effect on dozens of countries on July 9, for example, the president pushed the deadline back to Aug. 1 to allow more time for negotiation with U.S. trading partners. The flipflops have left factories, suppliers and customers bewildered about where things stand. Manufacturers voiced their complaints in the ISM survey: 'Customers do not want to make commitments in the wake of massive tariff uncertainty,'' a fabricated metal products company said. 'Tariffs continue to cause confusion and uncertainty for long-term procurement decisions,'' added a computer and electronics firm. 'The situation remains too volatile to firmly put such plans into place.'' Some may argue that things aren't necessarily bad for U.S. manufacturing; they've just returned to normal after a pandemic-related bust and boom. Factories slashed nearly 1.4 million jobs in March and April 2020 when COVID-19 forced many businesses to shut down and Americans to stay home. Then a funny thing happened: American consumers, cooped up and flush with COVID relief checks from the government, went on a spending spree, snapping up manufactured goods like air fryers, patio furniture and exercise machines. Suddenly, factories were scrambling to keep up. They brought back the workers they laid off – and then some. Factories added 379,000 jobs in 2021 — the most since 1994 — and then tacked on another 357,000 in 2022. But in 2023, factory hiring stopped growing and began backtracking as the economy returned to something closer to the pre-pandemic normal. In the end, it was a wash. Factory payrolls last month came to 12.75 million, almost exactly where they stood in February 2020 (12.74 million) just before COVID slammed the economy. 'It's a long, strange trip to get back to where we started,'' said Jared Bernstein, chair of Biden's White House Council of Economic Advisers. Zuzick at Waukesha Metal Products said that it will take time to see if Trump's tariffs succeed in bringing factories back to America. 'The fact is that manufacturing doesn't turn on a dime,'' he said. 'It takes time to switch gears.'' Hagopian at Pilot Precision is hopeful that tax breaks in Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill will help American manufacturing regain momentum. 'There may be light at the end of the tunnel that may not be a locomotive bearing down,'' he said. For now, manufacturers are likely to delay big decisions on investing or bringing on new workers until they see where Trump's tariffs settle and what impact they have on the economy, said Ned Hill, professor emeritus in economic development at Ohio State University. 'With all this uncertainty about what the rest of the year is going to look like,'' he said, 'there's a hesitancy to hire people just to lay them off in the near future.'' 'Everyone,'' said Zuzick at Waukesha Metal Products, 'is kind of just waiting for the new normal.''