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[Yoo Choon-sik] Statistical integrity must top governance agenda
We have been witnessing an exponential increase in the frequency of writings emphasizing the value of good governance over the past several years, particularly in debates on how to ensure that artificial intelligence innovation contributes to the sustained prosperity of humanity.
South Koreans are also observing a growing number of discussions on governance issues in another context — sparked by the political turmoil following former President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law in early December last year. This unrest culminated in the Constitutional Court's decision to depose him and is continuing ahead of the snap election scheduled for early June.
Like millions of my fellow citizens, I sincerely hope the June 3 election will help put to rest the widespread concerns about governance issues in this country. However, such hope may prove premature — especially in light of a recent announcement by the Board of Audit and Inspection, which reported suspected systematic manipulation of key government statistics on the housing market during the Moon Jae-in administration.
In a revelation that has shaken the foundations of public trust, the nation's supreme audit institution has found that between January 2018 and October 2021, the Korea Real Estate Board was pressured by the presidential office and the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport to alter housing price data on 102 occasions.
These manipulations were intended to portray the administration's real estate policies in a more favorable light by reporting artificially reduced growth rates — or even declines — in housing prices, in contradiction to actual market trends. During this process, the REB was subjected to threats of budget cuts and staff reductions if it failed to comply, highlighting the coercive methods employed to distort the truth.
The manipulation extended beyond housing statistics. Discrepancies between official data and private-sector statistics — particularly those from KB Kookmin Bank, a widely trusted source of housing market trends — prompted the Moon administration to explore ways to suppress independent data providers.
According to internal government documents, measures were even proposed to regulate or marginalize private indices, including the introduction of a certification system for private statistics and the imposition of fines for noncompliance. The objective was unmistakable: to reduce public scrutiny and control the narrative around housing price trends.
The findings, detailed in a final report following a nearly three-year investigation, expose a disturbing pattern of falsification involving housing price data, income figures and employment statistics.
This scandal is a textbook case highlighting the governance challenges facing South Korea, including one to restore trust in government statistics. When official numbers are manipulated, the consequences extend far beyond flawed policymaking — they also erode confidence in governance, financial markets and public institutions.
While this scandal is particularly alarming, it is not unique — many other nations have engaged in similar distortions of statistical data, with far-reaching consequences. One of the most infamous examples occurred in Greece, where authorities misrepresented budget deficit figures to meet European Union requirements.
Trust matters more than anything else
The Greek government understated its fiscal deficit and debt levels, concealing the country's true financial instability. When the deception was uncovered in 2009, Greece plunged into a severe economic crisis marked by austerity measures, surging unemployment and a prolonged recession. The scandal not only undermined trust in Greece's governance but also contributed to wider financial instability across Europe.
Other notable examples include Argentina and China. Under the administrations of Nestor and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, Argentina's government manipulated inflation data to make economic conditions appear less dire. In China, authorities have previously faced accusations of inflating economic growth figures to project an image of stability and prosperity.
On the surface, some might argue that manipulating statistics provides short-term political gains. However, the long-term consequences are far more serious than and often reach beyond what most people anticipate. When governments distort statistics, public faith in official data deteriorates, complicating the implementation of future policies. Once skepticism sets in, public institutions must fight an uphill battle to restore credibility — a process that can lead to enduring political instability.
Falsified economic data can also mislead investors, businesses and international organizations. We have seen this in countries that understated financial risks or exaggerated growth figures, only to face market crashes, capital flight and economic crises — as was the case in Greece and Argentina.
In democratic societies, transparency is essential. When governments manipulate statistics, they undermine accountability, enabling political leaders to deflect criticism and justify flawed policies. Distorted data also skews public perceptions on critical issues such as poverty, crime and unemployment, prompting citizens to respond based on false premises. This misinformation can lead to misguided protests, misplaced complacency or irrational economic behavior.
Moreover, countries caught manipulating statistics risk damaging their global reputations. International organizations such as the International Monetary Fund, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the World Bank rely heavily on accurate data. Violations can result in reduced foreign aid, restricted investment opportunities and diplomatic repercussions.
Statistical integrity is indispensable for sound governance. Even if initial motivations are not malicious, manipulating data may offer short-term political benefits at the cost of long-term consequences — including economic instability, erosion of public trust and weakened democratic institutions.
We understand that the incoming government — which will begin work immediately after the June 3 election results are confirmed, due to the nature of this snap election — will face an enormous list of urgent tasks from day one.
There is no doubt that each task carries significant weight, whether it involves responding to the impact of US tariff hikes or revitalizing the country's efforts to stay competitive in the global AI innovation race.
Nonetheless, I wish to stress that restoring public trust in official statistics should be prioritized at the very top of this list. Governments must implement independent oversight, reinforce legal safeguards and pursue institutional reforms to ensure that national data remains free from political interference.
A nation's success is grounded in good governance, the very foundation upon which democracy flourishes and the well-being of its people is protected. Good governance ensures that power serves the people, not political agendas. Trust in governance is not a given; it must be earned through integrity and accountability.
Yoo Choon-sik worked for nearly 30 years at Reuters, including as the chief Korea economics correspondent, and briefly worked as a business strategy consultant. The views expressed here are the writer's own. — Ed.
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Korea Herald
6 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Seoul shares open higher on eve of presidential election
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Korea Herald
a day ago
- Korea Herald
More than a vote: What June 3 election means to South Koreans
After six months of political chaos, voters seek justice, change and return to democratic norms, but can the available options provide this? As South Korea heads to the polls for an earlier-than-expected presidential election on June 3, the nation stands at a political crossroads. The election comes just six months after former President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law on Dec. 3, 2024 — a move that shocked the nation and the world, paralyzed institutions, and triggered mass protests reminiscent of past democratic uprisings. Within days, the National Assembly passed an impeachment motion against Yoon, which was upheld by the Constitutional Court on April 4, removing him from office. In the aftermath, the country has found itself not only leaderless but forced to face its deep divisions — political, generational and ideological. What began as a constitutional crisis has become an existential moment for South Korean democracy. Now, as early voting began and candidates make their final appeals, South Koreans are being asked not just to choose a new leader but to deliver a verdict on everything that has unfolded over the past half year. For many, this election is not just about policies or party loyalty — it is about judgment, redemption and the kind of future they want to build. Experts say this divergence in voter sentiment stems from more than just ideology — it reflects deeper fractures in trust, governance, and generational experience. Professor Park Eun-hong of Sungkonghoe University argues that while some voters question whether anything ever changes through elections, this one is no ordinary vote. 'This is an exceptional election — triggered by the martial law declaration and culminating in a president's impeachment. From the outside, it's a moment that gauges the resilience of Korean democracy,' Park told The Korea Herald. But for that resilience to hold, efforts need to be made to heal the divide. Observers noted several challenges. Older voters who have seen past presidents promise change and fail to deliver it risk losing their faith in politics if the cycle continues. Meanwhile, losers must acknowledge and respect the result, while the winners should practice inclusive politics that recognize the concerns of those who did not vote for them, they said. With one candidate appearing to dominate the race, some voters feel little motivation to participate, believing the outcome is already set. Still, overseas voter turnout has hit a historic high — what commentator Choi Yo-han calls a 'judgment vote' sparked by anger and embarrassment over global criticism of South Korea's martial law episode. Across the political spectrum, parties are calling for unity. But after months of turmoil, including the December crisis and impeachment proceedings, restoring trust will take more than words — it will require real leadership, according to experts. To better understand the mood of the nation, The Korea Herald spoke with voters across generations — from the youngest participants in their late teens to citizens in their 80s who still remember the country's authoritarian past after the 1950-53 Korean War. Some approach the ballot with renewed purpose, seeing it as an opportunity to punish past wrongdoing and reclaim civic dignity. Others remain skeptical, wondering whether any election can deliver the deep political renewal the country so desperately needs. "Call for compassion, continuity" - Lim Hyung-jun, student, 18 Casting a ballot for the first time in his life, 18-year-old Lim Hyung-jun can't wait for election day to arrive. As the youngest among the eligible voters, Lim said this election was 'the start of making something wrong, right again.' Lim vividly recalls Dec. 3, 2024 — the day Yoon declared martial law — as a surreal moment that brought the weight of history crashing into his present. 'It was something I had only read about in textbooks,' he said. 'But now, more people are finally paying attention. I hope this crisis leads to more active political participation.' His political awakening, however, began much earlier. At age 10, he remembers clutching his parents' hands during the candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye. That early memory, he says, instilled in him a belief in people power. What he seeks most from this election is persistence. 'Five years sounds long, but it's actually a short time to realize policy pledges,' he said. He pointed out how frequently presidential ideologies shift. 'Presidents have switched back and forth between liberal and conservative blocs,' he said, adding that he hopes the next administration fosters continuity so that meaningful policies are not abandoned with a change in leadership. Beyond ideology, Lim wants a president who listens. He finds inspiration in former President Roh Moo-hyun, describing him as 'someone who felt like a neighbor, a leader who truly listened.' Lim hopes the next president — conservative or progressive — upholds that spirit. Above all, he hopes voters will think beyond themselves. 'I hope people make good, selfless choices,' he said. 'We live in a society that's grown colder with individualism. Especially for students, financial burdens weigh heavily — and we need policies that reflect collective care, not just privilege.' 'We need real dialogue' - Lee June-seong, college student, 25 25-year-old Hanyang University student Lee June-seong, looked forward to reading up on the candidates' pledges on long-standing issues concerning young Koreans — such as unemployment rates, housing problems and living expense support funds. Although the candidates touched on the issues, Lee was disappointed to find that they were only addressed briefly through the candidates' pledges without much detail. "Most of the pledges mentioned are aligned with the issues I'm concerned about, but there was little detail on how they would actually be implemented. That was a little disappointing," Lee said. What's worse, Lee adds, is that televised debates have devolved into smear campaigns. 'Looking at the presidential debates that have been held previously, candidates seem more interested in attacking each other rather than explaining their vision for Korea, which only fuels the Koreans' level of exhaustion toward politics.' Whoever the next president may be, Lee added that he wishes for a permanent communication channel to be established between young Koreans and the president, similar to the online petition system in the Cheong Wa Dae website established under the Moon Jae-in administration from 2017 to 2022. 'I wish a communication channel or a regular program could be provided for young Koreans to have a chance to talk with the future president,' Lee mentioned. Lee believes that in order for people to pay continuous attention to politics, policies and government-led projects that foster communication between the people and the president are the key. 'A vote to save Korea' - Kim, office worker, 30 For Kim, a 30-year-old office worker who declined to give her full name, this year's presidential election is the most significant she's ever faced. 'I believe this vote is key to saving Korea,' she said. Having voted in every election since becoming eligible, Kim says the stakes feel higher than ever following the political and economic instability triggered by the Dec. 3 martial law declaration. 'We've already seen two presidents impeached in less than 10 years. While some people may say that it's just a mere happening, I think it's more than that. Korea has shown that it needs a lot of change and reform in the political sphere, and I think every vote from this election can be part of that change.' Going forward, Kim also added that she hopes the next president will work to address all aspects of inequality that currently exists in Korean society, pointing specifically toward gender inequality issues in labor. 'I hope proper policies can be put into place in the future to resolve issues such as employment stability for women returning to their jobs after taking pregnancy leave as well as gender wage gaps — since Korea struggles with that severely,' Kim noted. Recently, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions' Labor Institute revealed in January that South Korea's gender wage gap stands as the largest among OECD nations at 31.2 percent. When asked about the kind of president she hopes will take on the role, Kim added that she wants a president who will 'truly listen to the people's needs,' while making sure 'what has to be done, gets done.' 'Still skeptical' - Lee, career counselor, 44 In Daegu, Lee, a 44-year-old career counselor, doesn't expect much from the next president — no matter who wins. There won't be a dramatic change for the country, Lee believes. 'Some people seem to have high hopes for the upcoming presidential election because they suffered from different events since the martial law declaration in December. But I am not sure whether the next president can bring a bright change to the country,' she said. 'The former presidents, including Lee Myung-bak, Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in, and Yoon Suk Yeol, were indicted on different charges made in the past. And we now have a presidential candidate, who is attending five different criminal trials," Lee noted. "I heard another candidate's name from a bad political scandal. A different candidate stirred up a controversy by claiming that the late national independence hero Kim Gu could be Chinese,' Lee added, questioning whether South Korea truly has an appropriate presidential candidate. Lee shared that she hoped the presidents to bring a positive impact to the country in the past by effectively handling important social matters like real estate problems and greater job opportunities. "When former president Park Geun-hye promised zero tolerance for corruption and misconduct and vowed to actively assign special prosecutors to investigate the crimes, I hoped for a fair and just society,' said Lee. But after seeing Park becoming the third president to face criminal trial on bribery and corruption charges, Lee stopped herself from having high expectations. 'I heard that our economy continues to struggle and more small business owners are closing down their businesses. The next president really needs to focus on South Korea's political and economic recovery,' Lee insisted, reluctantly sharing her hopes for one last time. 'I won't make the same mistake' — Ha, caregiver, 63 A caregiver surnamed Ha shared that she had given a lot of thought to the presidential election in order to vote more carefully than ever before. 'I agree with some people saying that this election will determine the future of our country. It is South Korea's second presidential election after removing the existing president. This actually is more than enough reason for me to take the upcoming election very seriously,' said Ha. Though the 64-year-old Changwon resident did not know much about politics or pay close attention to the elections in the past, Ha tried to spend time thinking and cast her vote for the right candidate. 'I personally felt that my lack of interest in politics might have contributed to the rise of someone like Yoon Suk Yeol, who made an absurd decision to declare martial law, so I am trying to avoid repeating past mistakes,' she added. Ha was surprised to know that there were many channels for the voters to learn about the presidential candidates. 'I'm someone who is more familiar with TV debates. But there are so many YouTube channels that do not only feature the individual presidential candidates but also provide a general overview and weekly updates about the candidates' election campaigns. Now, the voters are responsible to determine facts from fake news and vote for the trustworthy candidate,' Ha told The Korea Herald. 'Boosting the country's economy will be something that I want most from the next president. But I really want the president to be the true leader who can embrace differences and solve the country's intense political division,' she added. 'I also hope the next president does not have any 'family risk' like Yoon and Kim Keon Hee. 'Exhausted by politics' - Song Dae-gun, retired, 80s Though Song Dae-gun, who is in his 80s, plans to fulfill his civic duty and cast his vote for the June 3 election, he shared pessimistic views toward the South Korean presidential election. 'I feel that the multiple presidential elections, here, discouraged many people. I think this election will be no different from the previous ones,' he said. Song, who has taken a lot of interest in political, social and economic issues ever since he participated in Busan's April 19 Revolution in 1960, feels that those in politics don't care about the people. 'It has been a long time since I saw a presidential candidate who genuinely tried to convince others that he (she) wanted to serve the country. But all I hear are criticisms and hate speech targeting other candidates. I am trying to keep some distance, because I felt that paying attention to such stories only exhausts me,' the retiree of a conglomerate. While refusing to share any specific policy or quality that he expects from the presidential candidate, Song hoped the next president to truly care about the people and the country. A test of Korea's democratic resilience For some, the turmoil of the past six months has awakened a sense of urgency and duty. For others, the repeated cycles of scandal, impeachment, and political disillusionment have deepened skepticism. Experts say the divide reflects deeper fractures in trust, governance, and generational experience. Professor Park Eun-hong of Sungkonghoe University pointed out that voters didn't all see this as a battle between the instigators of martial law and the forces of democracy. 'Martial law represents the freezing of democratic norms by military force. And yet, within months, we saw a national pushback — from civil society, lawmakers across party lines, and ultimately, a unanimous Constitutional Court decision. It was a collective act of democratic recovery.' Park added that the election is not just about choosing the next leader but about reaffirming the public's belief in electoral democracy. He expects voter turnout to be strong, driven by the urgency of reclaiming civic control after such an extraordinary rupture in constitutional order. 'This is a vote to restore what we almost lost,' he said. Yet not all voters are inspired. Professor Lee Jun-han of Incheon University notes that older generations, in particular, carry the weight of political disappointment. 'They've lived through repeated transitions that promised change but didn't deliver. That breeds disillusionment,' he said. The lack of trustworthy candidates only deepens that fatigue, especially in a climate of economic instability and weak global outlooks. With a certain candidate already seemingly leading the election, the expected result is another factor for some people's low enthusiasm. Political commentator Choi Yo-han pointed to a surge in overseas voter turnout — the highest in history — as evidence of what he called 'a judgment vote.' 'Many overseas Koreans were stunned by international reactions to martial law. This anger and embarrassment are driving people to vote.' Ultimately, South Koreans face more than just the choice of a president. As Park Eun-hong puts it, 'This election is as important as the martial law itself — it lays bare the fragility of our democratic institutions but also shows our ability to recover.' In this extraordinary election, both conservative and progressive parties — and even those that claim to transcend the traditional divide — have all emphasized the need for national unity. That shared refrain underscores a broader task: Regardless of ideology, South Korea must find a way back to political normalcy, and that requires genuine leadership committed to bridging divides. Since the December crisis and through the impeachment proceedings, political conflict has remained intense. But for those hoping the election will bring closure and peace, Park warns, that democratic principles also require acceptance. 'In a healthy democracy, fierce debate must be followed by recognition of the result. If the election is fair, even the losing side must acknowledge the outcome,' he said. Looking ahead, Park stresses that whoever wins must embrace even those who did not support them. 'The next president must practice politics of inclusion — a kind of sunshine politics that brings in dissenters and skeptics alike. Only then can South Korea begin to heal, rebuild trust, and move forward as one nation,' he said. Shin Yul, a professor at Myongji University, also added that what is important is the continuity in governance. 'This election will decide whether Korean politics takes a step toward maturity — or chaos. What must never happen is another administration that tears down all of what came before. We need persistence in politics, especially in foreign policy.' With growing internal polarization, mounting economic pressure, and uncertain geopolitical tensions, the decision now lies with the people. It is in the hands of voters to choose a leader capable of uniting the nation, healing its divides, and anchoring South Korea in the face of volatility. 'This is a chance to demonstrate that democracy, even when shaken, can endure,' Park said. 'That resilience begins with the act of voting.' jychoi@ sj_lee@


Korea Herald
2 days ago
- Korea Herald
S. Korea almost absent in Hegseth's speech at Shangri-La Dialogue
The Pentagon chief's speech at an annual defense forum in Singapore used to highlight defense cooperation with South Korea and trilateral efforts with Japan as the United States has sought to leverage the core Asian allies for peace in the face of a provocative North Korea and an assertive China. But South Korea was almost absent in this year's Shangri-La Dialogue speech by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, adding to concerns that the monthslong absence of a fully elected leader in South Korea could have an impact on the bilateral alliance. The speech was delivered as South Korea is set to pick a new president in an election slated for Tuesday. The presidential vote was set up following the April ouster of former President Yoon Suk Yeol over his short-lived martial law declaration in December. Hegseth's speech spelled out security engagements with Japan, the Philippines, Australia, Thailand and India as well as the trilateral partnership between the US, Japan and Australia. But Korea was not mentioned in his narrative of security cooperation with Indo-Pacific allies and partners. He touched on South Korea once, when he announced a defense cooperation project that will enable Korea and New Zealand, which use P-8 maritime aircraft, to repair the plane in the Indo-Pacific rather than relying on a single repair source in the continental U.S. The increasingly worrisome North Korean military quandary was not given much attention in the secretary's speech either, whereas he accentuated threats from China and stressed the need for allies to increase defense spending and serve as "force multipliers" in the midst of threats from Beijing. The secretary's perceived lack of focus on cooperation with South Korea followed a recent Wall Street Journal report that the Pentagon is considering the idea of pulling out around 4,500 troops from the 28,500-strong US Forces Korea (USFK). The Pentagon has dismissed the report as untrue, but speculation continues. A senior US defense official has said that given the US' priority on deterring China, it is "essential" to work with the incoming Seoul government to "modernize" the alliance and "calibrate" US force posture on the Korean Peninsula -- a remark that apparently left open the door for an adjustment to the USFK presence. South Korea was also absent in the secretary's plans for bilateral, trilateral and multilateral talks on the sidelines of the annual forum, as Seoul sent Deputy Defense Minister for Policy Cho Chang-rae to the forum rather than its acting Defense Minister Kim Sun-ho. "My understanding is (the secretary's South Korean) counterpart was not able to be attending the Shangri-La Dialogue. That's why he is not able to do the bilateral meeting with South Korea at this time," a senior US defense official told reporters earlier this week. "But obviously we look forward to working with the incoming South Korean government after the election. I also want to reiterate the US-ROK alliance remains critical to the US interests," he added. ROK stands for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea. Though South Korea was rarely seen in official events, its officials made behind-the-scenes diplomatic efforts to maintain engagements with foreign partners, a diplomatic source told Yonhap News Agency. "Still, we have received a due amount of requests from foreign governments for engagements at the forum," the source said. Still, South Koreans appear to have been a bit let down about a lack of attention to Korea in the secretary's remarks. "I felt that it was a bit unfortunate," another source said. Worries about the strength of the alliance in the midst of political uncertainty in Seoul emerged in March as well when Hegseth skipped South Korea in his first trip to the Indo-Pacific, which included stops in Japan and the Philippines. Brushing aside those concerns, Seoul and Washington continued to hold regular defense talks. Early this month, the allies held the Korea-US Integrated Defense Dialogue in Washington, where the two sides agreed to further cooperate to achieve shared security goals on the peninsula and in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides are also expected to hold a meeting of the Nuclear Consultative Group, their key nuclear deterrence body. Observers pin hopes on the full resumption of high-level talks between South Korea and the US once a new government is launched next month. (Yonhap)