
With moves on West Bank and Gaza City, Israel defies global outcry
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'Every town, every neighborhood, every housing unit is another nail in the coffin of this dangerous idea,' Smotrich said Wednesday.
At the same time, the Israeli military said it was advancing plans to take over Gaza City, with troops already on the city's outskirts and tents being moved into the southern Gaza Strip for displaced people.
An additional 50,000 reservists would be told to report for duty in September, while troops have already obtained 'operational control' over 75 percent of the Gaza Strip, the military said in statements. The United Nations has put that number closer to 90 percent.
The military 'has begun the next phase of the war,' said Brigadier General Effie Defrin, the Israeli military's chief spokesperson.
The looming assault aims to prevent Hamas — which led the deadly Oct. 7, 2023, onslaught on southern Israel that started the war — from regrouping and planning future attacks, an Israeli military official, who requested anonymity in line with military protocol, told journalists at a briefing Wednesday.
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About 1,200 people were killed and around 250 others kidnapped during the 2023 assault. After nearly two years of Israel's retaliatory war against Hamas, the Gaza Strip has been largely leveled and parts of it have been brought to the brink of famine. More than 60,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between combatants and civilians.
For Netanyahu, 'it doesn't matter if these steps — the war in Gaza and the quasi-annexation in the West Bank — would damage Israel's relations with the Arab world,' said Michael Milshtein, an Israeli analyst and former military intelligence officer.
He said both developments also showed that Netanyahu believes he can continue to depend on American support, even as Arab and European nations sharply condemn Israel's actions.
World leaders quickly condemned the announcements on Gaza City.
'The military offensive in Gaza that Israel is preparing can only lead to disaster for both peoples and risks plunging the entire region into a cycle of permanent war,' President Emmanuel Macron of France said on social media.
France is among a growing number of countries that, frustrated with Israel's war in Gaza, have declared in recent months that they will recognize a Palestinian state at the annual UN General Assembly in September. While the United States has for years endorsed a so-called two-state solution, it has blocked recent efforts to recognize full Palestinian statehood under current conditions.
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Prospects for a functional Palestinian state have been dim for years, and its boundaries have never been clear.
Netanyahu has not publicly shared his position on the new ceasefire proposal, which Hamas has accepted and was announced this week by Qatari and Egyptian mediators. But a statement that his office released Wednesday night seemed to signal that the military operation was soon to begin.
Smotrich has led a pressure campaign by hard-liners who have threatened to quit Netanyahu's coalition, and potentially bring down his government, if the proposed ceasefire deal was pursued.
Orit Strock, a minister in Netanyahu's government and a member of the far-right Religious Zionism party, warned the prime minister in a radio interview about accepting a deal that did not defeat Hamas and put 'the value of returning the hostages above the national interest.'
'This will push the country into a horrible abyss,' Strock told Army Radio. 'So it is very possible that we will say we will not be prepared to lend our hand to the government.'
The new proposal has been described as a 'partial deal' that would not immediately release all hostages and would postpone discussions about ending the war, including the issue of disarming Hamas.
As many as 20 hostages are still believed to be alive, according to Israeli authorities. The bodies of 30 others, they say, are being held in Gaza. Many Israelis fear that Hamas will kill the remaining hostages if the military operation goes forward.
The Israeli official who briefed journalists Wednesday described the military operation as 'gradual, precise, and targeted,' saying it would extend into areas of Gaza City where Israeli soldiers had not previously been during the war.
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The city and its surrounding neighborhoods remain a stronghold for Hamas fighters and the militants' government, the official said.
Two other Israeli military officials said the operation would unfold in parts.
First, troops would encircle Gaza City while allowing the population to move south, passing through checkpoints to prevent Palestinian militants from escaping. Then, the troops would move in with force. The officials spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational details.
Ahmed Saleh, 45, said Israeli troops were sending remote-controlled vehicles packed with explosives to blow up buildings, block by block, in the Zeitoun neighborhood near where he lives in Gaza City.
'I hear the big explosions all the time; they are getting closer,' said Saleh, adding that he would try to stay in his home for as long as possible. If he is forced to leave, Saleh said, he would head west to a beachfront, where he previously lived in a tent while waiting for the violence to ebb.
Although worried that Israeli forces will close escape routes to the west, Saleh said he will not move to southern Gaza, as Israel is demanding of displaced residents.
'There are no services there at all, but most importantly, there is no room left for newcomers in the south,' he said. 'I know no one there and have no more money to pay for that trip.'
As the international community has focused on the devastating war in Gaza, the Israeli government has barreled ahead with settlement construction in the West Bank.
The project that was given final approval Wednesday, known as East One, or E1, was delayed for more than two decades. While the United States had pressured Israel to reject settlement expansion, the Trump administration has been far less critical of settlements than most of the international community, which generally considers them to be illegal and obstacles to Israeli-Palestinian peace.
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About 500,000 Israeli settlers and about 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank.
Israeli authorities have advanced plans for more than 20,000 housing units as of late July, already the highest tally in years, according to Peace Now, an Israeli settlement watchdog. That has been accompanied by a campaign of brazen attacks by Jewish extremists on Palestinian communities.
On Wednesday, Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi cited a 'completely inhumane reality that the Israeli aggression has created in Gaza.' He also accused Israel of taking 'illegal measures that continue to undermine the two-state solution and kill all prospects for peace in the region.'
The Israeli military official said the new operation will also expand humanitarian aid in southern Gaza, where displaced people are being told to move.
That will include opening new aid distribution sites, ensuring there is no fighting near them and opening new routes for trucks to safely bring in more supplies.
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The Hill
24 minutes ago
- The Hill
Readers should know that journalists in Gaza are not free to report the truth
The killing of the well-known Al Jazeera journalist Anas al-Sharif by the Israeli military has become a flashpoint in the global discourse around Gaza. Israel claims that al-Sharif was not only a reporter but a Hamas operative, citing documents that suggested he once received a salary from the group. Al Jazeera (where I am sometimes interviewed on Middle East developments) rejected the charge, and many observers cast doubt on the evidence Israel produced. Some noted that, even if there was an affiliation, it may have been in the past. Having served as the Associated Press bureau chief in Jerusalem and later as the agency's Middle East editor, I have been asked repeatedly what I make of the allegations. The truth is, like many, I don't know what to believe. Israel has not covered itself in glory with any sort of transparency about its conduct of the war — and that itself is the point. Israel's claims about al-Sharif might have some basis. But it is deeply problematic to suggest that past affiliation alone justifies attacking someone who was functioning, at the time, as a journalist. By that logic, most Israeli civilians would be considered legitimate targets by many Palestinians, given the country's near-universal conscription. Of course, there is no comparing the army of a democratic state with the terrorist mafia that rules Gaza. But one must acknowledge how such reasoning will be read outside Israel. For years at AP, we relied mostly on Palestinian staff in Gaza to report stories, take photographs and document events under conditions of exceptional danger. Since the war began almost two years ago, that reliance has become total, because Israel has blocked all foreign journalists from entering the territory, except on heavily stage-managed embeds with the military. Many of our staffers in Gaza were, in my view, indisputably heroic in their willingness to risk not only the fire raining from the sky but also the ire of Hamas. I rarely had evidence that they were sympathizers of the group; if anything, they tended to be pro-Western and inclined toward the opposite outlook. For one thing, they were loyal colleagues to bosses who, in many cases, were Jews and Israelis in their employer's Jerusalem bureau. That said, I will not pretend that Hamas's rule was not an ever-present reality that had to be calibrated in coverage. During my time, we managed to report on rocket fire from civilian areas, on militants killed in action, on the use of human shields. Contrary to later critics, such as the famously disgruntled former AP staffer Matti Friedman, we did not suppress these facts as a matter of principle. But was coverage sometimes shaped by the risks our local staff faced? It would be dishonest to deny the possibility — indeed the likelihood. 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Israel has not taken serious steps to find creative ways to allow access, or even to indicate that they have anything but indifference to the fact that this is no way to cover a war. The press has been in a similar position before. In North Korea, Iran, Cuba, China and Russia (before the Ukraine war and the resulting sanctions regime drove away foreign reporters), journalists operate under government surveillance, restrictions that are sometimes unspoken yet clear, and implied physical threats. Yet this reality almost is never explained to the reader. The conditions of reporting — the intimidation, the constraints, the lack of access — are treated as footnotes or left unsaid altogether. How to fix this, what the boilerplate language describing the situation would be, how to handle possible blowback to staff — these are questions that I cannot definitively answer. But this is a discussion that major news organizations must have, preferably banding together, perhaps under the aegis of international journalism organizations. Absent such steps, the result is a distortion: Audiences think they are receiving unvarnished facts when they are actually consuming stories shaped by fear, access and proximity to power. So this is not just about Gaza. It is about the very definition of journalism. The analogy I find most apt is to organized crime. When reporters in the U.S. cover the mafia, they know certain doors are closed, certain questions unwise to ask. The threat is rarely stated for attribution. Hamas operates by similar rules, only on a larger scale. Gaza is run by a militia that jails or kills opponents. Gaza's civilians are victims of that rule. Gaza's journalists — which, as said, the media currently depends on exclusively for voices from the ground — are civilians, even if some of Israel's claims are true. That does not invalidate the work, but it does mean the media has a responsibility to be transparent about the conditions under which such journalism is produced. Readers deserve to be told that this is not a free press environment. When access is denied, when intimidation is implicit, when the story comes from a place without freedom, that fact is not incidental — it is central. The coverage of the Gaza war is compromised on both sides. The media cannot be expected to continue putting up with it without taking countermeasures. At a minimum, every significant story should state that foreign journalists have not been allowed into Gaza for almost two years except on tightly controlled embeds. Moreover, editors should reconsider the use of Israeli military briefings without attribution. The only way to make Israel take notice is for a combined commitment by all accredited journalists — especially all Foreign Press Association members, who are the majority of foreign reporters — to refuse to attend these briefings. This will exact a certain journalistic price, so the media organizations they work for will have to back this and forego a few dubious 'scoops,' and the leaders of these outlets need to take the lead and not dump the decision on local reporters. Gaza is unique in scale, but not in principle. From Moscow to Tehran, journalists are often working in compromised environments. News organizations have tiptoed around this fact for far too long. Trust in journalism is already cratering — for many reasons. The public needs honesty — not only about what is happening, but about how we know it, and under what conditions we are reporting it. It is a cliche that truth is the first casualty of war. But it doesn't have to be. If journalists want to preserve truth, they must start by telling it — not only about the wars they cover, but about the conditions in which they themselves are forced to work. Dan Perry led Associated Press coverage in Europe, Africa and the Middle East (including Iran, Gaza, Syria and Afghanistan), and chaired the Foreign Press Association for Israel and the Palestinian areas. He publishes on Substack.


The Hill
24 minutes ago
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The Hill
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