logo
Six Bulgarians Face Long UK Jail Terms For Spying For Russia

Six Bulgarians Face Long UK Jail Terms For Spying For Russia

Six Bulgarians, members of a sophisticated spy network dubbed "The Minions", were before court Wednesday for sentencing, facing up to 14 years in prison for spying for Russia.
The four men and two women either pled guilty or had been convicted of charges of conspiracy to spy at Russia's behest with their sentences due to be handed down on Monday, after four days of hearings at London's Old Bailey court.
Between 2020 to 2023, the six-person cell targeted journalists and a Kazakh former politician, and plotted to kidnap and honeytrap targets, tracking them across several European nations.
It was "industrial-scale espionage on behalf of Russia", Metropolitan police counter-terrorism Chief Commander Dominic Murphy said in March.
Ringleader Orlin Roussev, 47, along with his second-in-command Bizer Dzhambazov, 43, and Ivan Stoyanov, 32, pled guilty to spying.
Barrister for the prosecution, Alison Morgan, on Wednesday laid out their roles in different operations, stressing they knew they were spying for Moscow.
London-based Katrin Ivanova, 33, Vanya Gaberova, 30, and Tihomir Ivanchev, 39, were convicted in March after a trial lasting more than three months at the Old Bailey court.
Two of the group were in court on Wednesday, with the rest appearing by video link from their detention centres.
They had dubbed themselves "The Minions" after the cartoon yellow characters in the film "Despicable Me" who work for the dastardly Gru. The six also worked for the GRU, the acronym for the Russian military intelligence service.
The group launched operations in the UK as well as Austria, Spain, Germany and Montenegro.
But UK police were able to retrace six operations thanks to more than 100,000 messages found on Roussev's Telegram account, which led police to his seaside home in the eastern town of Great Yarmouth.
Roussev received his instructions from Jan Marsalek, an Austrian fugitive who reportedly fled to Russia in 2020 after becoming wanted for fraud in Germany.
Marsalek, the former chief operating officer of payments firm Wirecard, was acting as a proxy for Russian intelligence services.
One operation targeted investigative journalist Christo Grozev, from the Bellingcat website, who uncovered Russian links to the 2018 Novichok chemical weapon attack in the English town of Salisbury and the downing of a Malaysia Airlines aeroplane four years earlier.
The group had planned "disruptive activity" at the Kazakh embassy in 2022, discussing a plan to spray the building with fake pig's blood.
Roussev received more than 200,000 euros ($227,000) to fund his activities.
After the gang was busted in February 2023, police found huge amounts of spyware equipment in his home, including cameras and microphones hidden in ties, a stone, even a cuddly toy and a fizzy drinks bottle.
In messages to Marsalek, Roussev claimed "he will find the resources" to "keep the Russians happy" such as by kidnapping someone, Morgan said.
"The defendants were deployed to gather information about prominent individuals whose activities were of obvious interest to the Russian state," she added.
Murphy said in March that police had found "really sophisticated devices -- the sort of thing you would really expect to see in a spy novel".
Journalist and UK-based dissident Roman Dobrokhotov, and former Kazakh politician Bergey Ryskaliev, granted refugee status in Britain, were also among their targets.
The group also kept the US military base Patch Barracks in Stuttgart, Germany, under surveillance, believing Ukrainian soldiers were being trained there in using the Patriot air defence system.
Ties between Britain and Russia have been strained since Moscow's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
British security minister Dan Jarvis warned the convictions should "send a clear warning to those who wish to do the UK harm". Austrian fugitive Jan Marsalek, former head of payments firm Wirecard, was said to have acted as a go-between between the Bulgarian cell and Russian intelligence services AFP The group also kept the US military barracks in Stuttgart, Germany, under surveillance AFP

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ukraine: Trump says Putin vows 'response' to airfield attack – DW – 06/04/2025
Ukraine: Trump says Putin vows 'response' to airfield attack – DW – 06/04/2025

DW

time2 days ago

  • DW

Ukraine: Trump says Putin vows 'response' to airfield attack – DW – 06/04/2025

US President Donald Trump held a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Wednesday. According to a post on Trump's Truth Social, the two spoke about Ukraine and the recent attack on Russian airfields. Meanwhile, Germany is making a new attempt on the international stage to strengthen and maintain Ukraine's air defense. To this end, the multinational "Immediate Action on Air Defense" initiative is set to be relaunched, said Defense Minister Boris Pistorius in Brussels. And Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that Russia gave Ukraine "an ultimatum" during the latest round of talks in Istanbul. However, the Ukrainian leader said that he is ready to hold direct talks with Putin and Trump "any day." Here are the main developments in Russia's war in Ukraine from Wednesday, June 4, 2025:

Dutch populist leader Geert Wilders makes PM gamble – DW – 06/04/2025
Dutch populist leader Geert Wilders makes PM gamble – DW – 06/04/2025

DW

time2 days ago

  • DW

Dutch populist leader Geert Wilders makes PM gamble – DW – 06/04/2025

Far-right firebrand Geert Wilders, with his shock of white-blond hair, has upped the ante on his political future by blowing up the governing coalition in the Netherlands. It's a high stakes move which could backfire. Dutch voters are set to head back to the polls for fresh elections before the end of the year, after the far-right PVV party withdrew from the coalition government over a migration policy bust up. It was Geert Wilders, the leader of the PVV, who rolled the dice and pulled his ministers from the four-party government, throwing the Netherlands into months of political uncertainty. His aim is clear: "I intend to become the next prime minister," he said. Outgoing Prime Minister Dick Schoof will lead a caretaker government in The Hague until a new vote is held, which experts believe will happen no sooner than October. Dick Schoof will remain as Dutch Prime Minsiter, but as a caretaker until elections are held Image: Peter Dejong/AP/picture alliance The consideration now is whether Wilders, one of Europe's longest-standing players in far-right politics, can plot a path to finally becoming the prime minister, or whether he's now a busted flush in the eyes of the Dutch electorate. "That's the million-dollar question," Armida van Rij, Senior Research Fellow at Chatham House's Europe Programme, told DW. With multi-party coalition governments being the norm in the Netherlands, there are two main aspects needed to succeed politically in the EU's fifth biggest economy: votes from the public and the ability to build alliances with other parties. Wilders 'orchestrated' a crisis around migration To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Responsibility shirker? Having first taken a seat in parliament in 1998, Wilders spent over a decade on the far-right fringes until surging support saw his party first prop up a coalition government led by Mark Rutte in 2010, before pulling out in 2012. He has a growing reputation as a politician who walks away when things get tough. "This all looks bad on Wilders," said Adriaan Schout, a Senior Research Fellow at the Netherlands-based think tank, Clingendael. "He supported the Rutte government, and he walked out back then in 2012 [over new austerity measures], and that's been that's always stuck to him. Doing it again now looks very bad in the eyes of the public." Geert Wilders, in 2010, stares at former Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte whose coalition government he would later bring down. Image: picture alliance/dpa Wilders' PVV party currently holds more seats (37/150) than any other party in the Dutch parliament after surprise success in the 2023 election. Polls indicate declining popularity since PVV joined the government but suggest that his party would still be the biggest in the parliament if elections were held now. "Voters may now actually reward Wilders, even if he pulled the plug, due to discontent over the lack of migration policy changes," said Pieter Cleppe, Editor-in-Chief of a right-leaning magazine covering EU politics. "Forming a government without Wilders will then only be possible by taking over at least part of his anti-immigration agenda," he told DW. But now, with the former coalition parties expressing their "fury" over this week's government collapse, if Wilders were to succeed in the upcoming elections, the other parties may well call his bluff and refuse to join a coalition with him, let alone allow him to lead as prime minister. Toughest Asylum Policies Ever The political battle over migration came to a head when Wilders went all-in and, at the end of May, proposed a '10-point plan' on asylum which would bring in some of the most draconian migration policies in Europe. It included military units stationed at national borders, a complete end to accommodation being provided for refugees, a temporarily halt on family reunions for asylum-seekers who have been granted refugee status and sending Syrian refugees back home despite any risk of persecution. Dutch coalition government collapses over migration dispute To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video The refusal of the coalition partners to sign onto his plan immediately caused Wilders to pull his ministers from government. "The plan itself is deeply problematic because it violates a number of EU laws and international law provisions, namely, the right to asylum," said Davide Colombi, a researcher in the Justice and Home Affairs Unit at the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS). "Migration and asylum are actually instrumentalized in European politics," continued Colombi in an interview with DW. "There seems to be a tendency to normalize unlawful policy proposals across the EU, not only in the Netherlands, as if migration and asylum were something outside of the law." Far-right Fragmentation Europe is now seeing a once-unified far-right starting to fragment, not along ideological fault lines, but under the constraints of the democracies they operate in. France's Marine le Pen is banned from running in the 2027 presidential election due to embezzling EU funds and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's government agenda on migration has been hobbled by domestic courts. French far-right leader Marine le Pen leaves a Paris court during her 2025 trial for misuse of EU funds Image: Stéphane Geufroi/OUEST FRANCE/MAXPPP/IMAGO "In Sweden and Denmark, rightwing populists have been able to successfully affect policy, but the Netherlands does not have a tradition of minority governments," said Cleppe from the right-leaning magazine. "Wilders could have prepared better for government by attracting more mainstream figures into his political movement." The shuffling of the Dutch political deck begins again with the elections. The coming months will see political parties jostling for position and many will to try to edge Wilders out of the game. Wilders himself so far appears defiant and looks set to double down on selling his anti-immigration policies to the public, rather than hedging his bets and trying to build alliances with other political parties. Edited by: Matt Pearson

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests  – DW – 06/04/2025
Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests  – DW – 06/04/2025

DW

time2 days ago

  • DW

Nigeria: The true cost of separatist sit-at-home protests – DW – 06/04/2025

The Indigenous People of Biafra's sit-at-home protests have paralyzed southeast Nigeria. As fear grows and losses mount, what's the path to peace? Monday mornings in Onitsha, one of West Africa's busiest commercial cities, used to be the most chaotic day of the week. But these days, they unfold in eerie silence. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness as many residents of southeastern Nigeria live in fear. The outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement — which is pushing for the independence of Nigeria's southeast — regularly calls for stay-at-home protests to demand the release of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu. Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in the Nigerian capital, Abuja. While the IPOB claimed it had suspended the stay-at-home order, locals continued to comply due to the fear of armed groups known to attack those who defy the measure, using enforcement tactics like arson, looting and targeted killings. "Mondays now feel so empty," said Gift Chigo, a resident in Imo, one of the hardest-hit states in the region. "Businesses are shut down and shops locked down. And to be honest, we don't necessarily sit at home because we support the IPOB, but out of fear. It's not about solidarity, it's about [protecting] ourselves. What can we do? Nothing," she told DW. Nigeria labels IPOB a terrorist organization Formed in 2012 by two UK-based Nigerians, Nnamdi Kanu and Uche Mefor, the IPOB has been at the forefront of the renewed call for an independent state of Biafra. The familiar blare of traders haggling prices has faded — replaced by an unsettling stillness Image: Patrick Meinhardt/AFP Former Eastern region governor and military officer, Emeka Ojukwu, had declared the defunct state of Biafra in the 1960s following the killing of Igbos in northern Nigeria. However, that attempt to secede from the country ended with a bloody three-year civil war that led to the death of millions of people. The agitations still persist with groups like IPOB. In 2020, the IPOB launched its armed wing called the Eastern Security Network aimed at protecting the Igbos, but residents told DW it has instead inflicted more suffering on them. Since Kanu's arrest, the group has split into factions — some of which are more violent, exerting considerable influence and power, especially in rural communities, and targeting government facilities. Although IPOB has repeatedly dissociated itself from the region's violence, authorities have continued to accuse the group of several violent incidents in the area. The Nigerian government has labelled the group a terrorist organization. The cost of a sit-at-home order Apart from the sit-at-home protest every Monday, the region also observes the order on days Kanu appears in court. And, it has not only upended livelihoods and disrupted the economy of the region, but it has also led to the death of more than 700 people over the past four years. A recent report by SBM intelligence, a Lagos-based think tank, shows that the protest has resulted in economic losses of over $4.79 billion (€4.20 billion) with key sectors like transportation, trade, and micro businesses taking the biggest hit. In about 332 violent incidents, the protest's epicenter has been Imo state, where 332 people were killed, followed closely by neighboring Anambra with 202 deaths. Many of the victims were civilians who defied the weekly order or became caught up in clashes between the group and Nigerian security forces. Public institutions like schools and hospitals have also been disrupted by the protest. "I go to class three times a week even though I teach mathematics which was supposed to be taught every single day. We're seriously lagging behind due to the IPOB's order," King David, a teacher in Owerri, told DW. Former London estate agent and IPOB founder Nnamdi Kanu is on trial on terrorism charges in Nigeria's capital, Abuja Image: Katrin Gänsler/DW Schools suffer, economy stalls Dengiyefa Angalapu, a research analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development, a think tank, shared David's concern. He noted that the educational sector has borne the most profound brunt of the sit-ins in the region. "Students preparing for exams often miss critical academic days or are even forced to travel under risky conditions," said Angalapu. "Beyond that, students missing out on school every Monday means they only have four days to learn, and I think that's really a very critical gap compared to other regions in the country." While there was a high rate of compliance with the order in 2021, representing about 83%, actual support is much lower now — about 29%. Nigeria's southeast is inhabited predominantly by the Igbo ethnic group who are known for their entrepreneurial skills. The impact of the sit-ins has been substantial, and these losses are not just contained in the southeast, said Ikemesit Effiong, head of research at the Lagos-based think tank. "People from the Niger Delta and the South South region who are looking to transit through the South East to get to other parts of the country are also materially affected because their goods cannot move over land through the region." Effiong mentioned that the loss in productivity has weakened economic competitiveness and discouraged external investments. "The economic loss in terms of reduced investability climate in the region is worrisome. Many projects that would have been greenlit have actually been held back or rerouted to other parts of the country because the cost of doing business has increased in the South East," he said. What's the way out? Dengiyefa said that, beyond economic loss, deepening unemployment and poverty, what lies ahead is even more staggering. "It's quite sad that a generation of youth are being raised in the southeast in a climate of fear and ideological extremism," Dengiyefa noted. Why don't Germans know about their part in the slave trade? To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Dengiyefa added that "with the intergenerational transfer of trauma, we're at a very big risk if this continues because we've a whole generation that has been radicalised and that's a very fundamental challenge." Dengiyefa suggested that the Nigerian government should invest in countering secessionist narratives, including engaging local leaders. "We need a non-military security presence such as community policing rather than having solely the armed forces which often escalate tensions" that would eventually lead to a peaceful dialogue for any political demands. Both analysts argued that the heavy-handedness of Kanu's prosecution could be softened through government transparency and fair judicial process. "People may not approve of Nnamdi Kanu's tactics within the region, but his message still has deep resonance. Many people see his treatment as emblematic of how Nigeria has generally treated the Southeast. So, changing that paradigm and changing that perception will be critical," Effiong added. Cash for care: Boosting infant vaccination in rural Nigeria To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Edited by: Keith Walker

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store