'Let's do this together': Victims advocate for Westchester DA helps families in pain
Jessica Martinez is there for it all and more as an advocate in the Westchester District Attorney's Office. She makes sure the families of crime victims get some peace of mind beyond the justice they seek.
"It's nice to have someone behind the scenes when it comes to a family member they just lost, a son, a father, a cousin, a friend," Martinez said. "It's very hard. They're going through a lot of emotions and I like to be the person thinking with a cool head, and like, 'OK, I'm here for you, what do you need?"
Martinez was working for the county Department of Social Services when she applied for a job as a legal secretary in the District Attorney's Office in early 2022. She figured it was a long shot, that the job would go to someone with more experience. But she got it.
Former Assistant District Attorney Christine O'Connor, the recently retired chief of the trials and investigations division, said Martinez stood out because of her diligence and organization skills, on top of how incredibly nice she was.
Around that time, new District Attorney Mimi Rocah was asking O'Connor why the trial division didn't have someone assigned to help victims and their families.
There is the Victims' Justice Center that helps with funerals and connections to therapists and support groups. And the DA's special prosecutions division has long used advocates to help with the unique needs of child and sex abuse victims.
O'Connor hadn't considered such a position for the trial division, saying trial prosecutors could often be territorial about victims.
But that spring, aside from overseeing all cases headed to trial, O'Connor was preparing for the murder trial of Luis Alturet Rivera in the 2017 fatal shooting of his girlfriend, Diana Casado, in Yonkers.
None of the witnesses or victim's relatives in that case spoke English well enough to communicate with O'Connor and her fellow ADA John O'Rourke. The prosecutors' Spanish was limited.
They turned to Martinez to help interpret. Then they and their colleagues began to rely on her for much more. Martinez made herself available on holidays and weekends, whenever she was needed.
"We might figure out we're not getting to a witness yet, we'll ask her to change their flight," O'Connor said. "These were things the ADAs used to do at 7 o'clock at night when they were trying to figure out 'How am I going to do the direct of this hostile witness the next day?'"
Soon, prosecutors were wondering how they ever managed without Martinez. O'Connor told Rocah there was no need to hire someone new for an advocate's role. Martinez officially became a victim/witness support trial assistant.
The Alturet-Rivera case was an eye-opener for Martinez, the first time she had been involved in anything related to a homicide. Now such cases are mostly what the 38-year-old Yonkers native works on. The cases present similar issues for her. The intangibles are how much support a family needs, including what cues they provide to how they want her to help.
Beyond their grief, the long slog to trial is trying on families. Even for routine conferences they feel the need to be in court, to stand up for their loved ones.
Many appearances leave them frustrated or angry: a defendant wants a better plea deal or isn't even brought to court, making it a wasted trip for the victim's family.
Martinez is by their side through it all.
"I always let them vent," she said. "There are people who have bad days and that's ok. I kind of make it into we had a bad day, not you had a bad day. We had a bad day. Today wasn't a good day but let's see what happens next time. I'm here for you; let's do this together."
She tries to stay away from legal issues. If they press her when the assistant district attorney is not around, she'll only discuss certain things after conferring with prosecutors.
"I will only give them the information I'm allowed to but I also want to be honest with them, because they are looking for transparency and our office wants that too. So I try to be that as much as I can," she said.
She likes to say the prosecutors wear multiple hats. They have to navigate the legal issues, comfort victims' families, weigh plea deals.
When prosecutors have to walk out of court to deliver bad news — maybe that a defendant won't be getting the maximum sentence or that there won't be a trial because of a defendant's psychiatric condition — they know Martinez is there as a buffer. She's the one the family will turn to when prosecutors head back to their office.
"The prosecutor is sort of on a balance beam of 'we get it' but here's the legal impediment why we can't (do more)," O'Connor said. "We have to talk through both, the emotional side and the legal side, which when they are so overcome with emotion, they can't even hear what we're talking about legally. So it helps to have, as Jessica says, that person with one hat. It's hugely important to have another person sort of walk them down the hallway and tell them, call me anytime. I can't quantify how helpful it is."
Acquittals or the dismissal of charges are particularly tough on victims' families and prosecutors. And on Martinez.
"This is not something you can say 'Oh, this is just another day.' You can't," she said. "Sometimes you do take it home. You do think about it a lot. Sometimes it hurts you. But I pray for them. I try to be their support system because they need that. It's just sad and I don't think there's anything to cure sad."
In October, when Rafael Ramos was found not guilty of murder in the 1997 Yonkers killing of his estranged wife, Nusinaida, Martinez was heartbroken for the victim's mother.
"That was a very sad moment for me," Martinez said. "All she wanted was justice. To see her so upset, it hurt me."
The victim's mother, Elda Montas, had been pleased that prosecutors brought the case to trial after so many years but was devastated by the verdict. She had placed her faith in God that she would get justice for her daughter but felt the jury let her down.
She said having Martinez constantly by her side was a source of great comfort during the trial. And her follow-up calls since and promises to stay in touch have meant a lot.
"She's such a great girl," Montas said. "They all treated me so well. I'll never be able to repay them properly."
Martinez was constantly in court with Deborah Kavourias and her sister, Elaine Andriotis-Chronis. Their sister, Stephanie Kavourias, had been killed on her block in Hartsdale in August 2023 by a driver who was high on drugs, Antonio Robles-Sanchez. He pleaded guilty last year and was sentenced to two to six years.
The family's grief included anger not just at Robles-Sanchez but also the system — that his crime carried a maximum sentence of only 2 1/3 to 7 years.
But Martinez found the Kavourias sisters inspiring, as they reached a level of forgiveness she didn't think was possible.
"It made me think there is hope in this world, that there's people who don't wish bad on everyone even though there's something bad, traumatic that happened," she said.
Deborah Kavourias said it was Martinez who helped get them to that place.
As the family's frustration grew that Robles-Sanchez was the focus of attention, Martinez helped them know that it wasn't about him. She took their every call, answered every email immediately, got back to them with the information they needed if she didn't have it at first.
"Beyond her position, her personality and her professionalism took us above what we first came in with," Kavourias said. "Not that we're not angry now, we're still angry. But we were untouchable, we couldn't break that anger and each time we were with her, when we went to court, it seemed to get better for us. We're still angry but not with that hatred."
O'Connor said that "geography matters." In other words, if Martinez wasn't on the 5th floor of the courthouse with the trial prosecutors, maybe they wouldn't turn to her so often. That begs the question: Does she ever feel overused? "Never," she laughed.
"I think naturally I just like to help people. I want to put myself in the situation where if I were in their shoes, how would I want to be treated," Martinez said. "What if my mother was in that situation? How would I want her to be treated? And I always treat people that way, because kindness doesn't cost a lot."
Staff writer Alexandra Rivera contributed to this report.
This article originally appeared on Rockland/Westchester Journal News: Westchester NY DA's victim advocate helps families with pain, anger
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
UK councillor acquitted over 'cut all their throats' speech
By Sam Tobin LONDON (Reuters) -A British councillor was on Friday acquitted of encouraging violent disorder for saying far-right activists should have their throats cut amid riots last year, drawing claims from right-wing politicians of a hypocritical "two-tier" justice system. Ricky Jones made the comments at a counter-protest in London after three girls were murdered in the north English town of Southport and was suspended by the ruling Labour party. Misinformation on social media said the teenager who committed the murders at a Taylor Swift-themed dance event was an Islamist migrant, fuelling days of violent riots including attacks on mosques and hotels housing asylum seekers. Jones, 58, was cleared by a jury following a trial at Snaresbrook Crown Court. He had made the remarks to a crowd gathered near an immigration advice centre in London after reports that far-right supporters were planning a protest. "They are disgusting Nazi fascists ... We need to cut all their throats and get rid of them all," he said, running a finger across his throat. Jones gave evidence that he did not intend his words to be taken literally and said his comments referred to far-right stickers with hidden razor blades found on a train. Right-wing politicians and activists said his case was an example of how Britain had an unfair police and justice system, with those who voice concerns about immigration treated differently to those who support liberal or left-wing causes. They contrasted Jones' treatment with that of Lucy Connolly, the wife of a Conservative councillor who was jailed for 31 months for inciting racial hatred for a post urging mass deportation of migrants and the burning of their hotels. Unlike Jones, she had pleaded guilty to the offence. Chris Philp, the opposition Conservative Party's home affairs spokesperson, said on X: "The development of two-tier justice is becoming increasingly alarming." Zia Yusuf, from the populist right-wing Reform UK party which is leading in opinion polls, also compared Jones' acquittal to Connolly's sentence. Prime Minister Keir Starmer was labelled "two-tier Keir" by some opponents last summer after claims some ethnic groups were policed more leniently than others, a suggestion that has been rejected by senior ministers, police chiefs and prosecutors.


Vox
2 hours ago
- Vox
Trump's immigration raids are now before the Supreme Court
is a senior correspondent at Vox, where he focuses on the Supreme Court, the Constitution, and the decline of liberal democracy in the United States. He received a JD from Duke University and is the author of two books on the Supreme Court. Last month, a federal judge in Los Angeles handed down a temporary order placing some restrictions on the Trump administration's immigration crackdown in that city. The Trump administration now wants the Supreme Court to lift those restrictions. The contested provisions of Judge Maame Ewusi-Mensah Frimpong's order are fairly narrow. They provide that federal law enforcement may not rely 'solely' on four factors when determining to stop or detain someone suspected of being an undocumented immigrant. Under Frimpong's order, the government may not stop or detain someone solely because of 1) their 'apparent race or ethnicity,' 2) the fact that they either speak Spanish or speak English with an accent, 3) their presence at a location such as an agricultural workplace or day laborer pick-up site, or 4) the type of work that they do. SCOTUS, Explained Get the latest developments on the US Supreme Court from senior correspondent Ian Millhiser. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. Frimpong's order prohibits the government from relying exclusively on any one of these factors or on any combination of them, so it could not detain someone solely because they speak Spanish and they are a day laborer, for example. The government may still rely on these four factors to determine whom to stop or detain, however, so long as it has other reasons for targeting a particular individual. Thus, for example, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) could target someone because that person speaks Spanish, and they work as a day laborer, and they were witnessed getting into a truck owned by a company known for hiring undocumented immigrants, because one of the three factors that ICE considered in this hypothetical stop is not on Frimpong's list. That said, at least according to the Cato Institute's David Bier, Frimpong's order has drastically reduced the number of immigration arrests within Los Angeles. The central issue in this case, known as Noem v. Perdomo, is what courts are practically able to do in order to rein in overzealous tactics by law enforcement. Judge Frimpong's order is modest — again, it does not prevent the Trump administration from targeting anyone, just as long as part of the reason why a particular individual is targeted doesn't appear on Frimpong's list of four — but it is also unlikely to survive contact with a Republican Supreme Court that is extraordinarily solicitous toward Donald Trump. Indeed, the Court has long cautioned lower court judges against issuing broad orders imposing across-the-board restrictions on law enforcement. One of the seminal cases that the Trump administration relied upon in its Perdomo brief was handed down in 1983, well before the Court's recent partisan turn. The Republican justices, in other words, likely will not even need to stretch the law very far if they want to rule in Trump's favor in Perdomo. What is ICE up to in Los Angeles? The Perdomo case arises out of multiple immigration raids in Los Angeles, which have often taken place at job sites and other locations where the Trump administration believes that undocumented immigrants are often present. As Frimpong found, 'car wash workers, farm and agricultural workers, street vendors, recycling center workers, tow yard workers, and packing house workers were targeted.' One early operation 'detained multiple day laborers outside of the Westlake Home Depot.' At least some of these operations appear to violate the Constitution. In some instances, law enforcement appears to have targeted people because of their race. Frimpong, for example, pointed to an incident where 'agents approached and prevented a nonwhite individual from walking away but not those who appeared to be Caucasians.' A Latino car wash worker targeted by one of the raids testified that the federal agents who arrested him ignored two of his light-skinned coworkers, one of whom is Russian and another who is Persian. In other cases, federal agents appear to have targeted individuals despite having no reasonable grounds to believe they are undocumented. Plaintiff Jason Brian Gavidia, for example, is an American who was born in Los Angeles. According to an appeals court that upheld nearly all of Frimpong's order, agents 'forcefully pushed [Gavidia] up against the metal gated fence, put [his] hands behind [his] back, and twisted [his] arm' after he was unable to identify which hospital he was born in. The agents eventually released Gavidia after he produced a Real ID card, a document that is only issued to people who are legally present in the United States, but they took his ID. It is quite difficult to obtain a federal injunction against law enforcement officials It is likely, in other words, that at least some of the people targeted by these Los Angeles raids could individually challenge their arrests or detention in court. But the ability to bring such individual challenges often isn't worth very much. For starters, the Republican justices' decisions in Hernández v. Mesa (2020) and Egbert v. Boule (2022) likely make it impossible to collect money damages from an ICE agent who violates your constitutional rights. In Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents (1971), the Supreme Court held that federal law enforcement officers who violate someone's constitutional rights may be personally liable for that violation. But Hernández and Egbert read that decision so narrowly that such suits rarely, if ever, move forward. So, even if someone like Gavidia brings a successful lawsuit, he probably wouldn't win anything more than the right to get his ID back. Someone who is unlawfully detained could potentially obtain a court order demanding their release. But many people targeted by law enforcement lack access to legal counsel or cannot afford to hire a lawyer even if they can find one who will take their case. While indigent criminal defendants have a right to a government-paid lawyer, defendants in immigration proceedings typically do not. And even when immigration defendants do prevail, an occasional court decision declaring some long-past arrest illegal is unlikely to deter future illegal arrests. Yet, the Supreme Court has long discouraged federal judges from issuing injunctions that forbid law enforcement from acting illegally in the future. The key case is City of Los Angeles v. Lyons (1983), which held that Adolph Lyons, a man who was allegedly choked out by police officers without provocation, could not obtain a court order forbidding LA's police from using such chokeholds in the future. 'Past exposure to illegal conduct,' Justice Byron White wrote for the Court in Lyons, does not permit someone to seek an injunction. Rather, 'Lyons' standing to seek the injunction requested depended on whether he was likely to suffer future injury from the use of the chokeholds by police officers.' Indeed, White's decision placed nearly impossible barriers before most plaintiffs seeking court orders requiring police to modify their behavior. To obtain such an injunction, White wrote, Lyons 'would have had not only to allege that he would have another encounter with the police, but also to make the incredible assertion either (1) that all police officers in Los Angeles always choke any citizen with whom they happen to have an encounter, whether for the purpose of arrest, issuing a citation, or for questioning, or (2) that the City ordered or authorized police officers to act in such manner.' At least some of the plaintiffs in Perdomo present an unusually strong case that they are likely to be caught up in an immigration raid again in the future. According to the appeals court which heard this case, 'at least one individual with lawful status was stopped twice by roving patrols in just 10 days.' So a court could quite reasonably conclude that this individual is 'likely to suffer' the 'future injury' that Lyons demands. But Lyons also places such a high bar in front of plaintiffs seeking an injunction against law enforcement that it would not be difficult for the Republican justices to write an opinion relying on Lyons to toss out Judge Frimpong's order, assuming that they even bother to explain their decision in the first place — something that the Court's Republican majority often refuses to do. In addition to arguing that Lyons requires the Supreme Court to block Frimpong's decision, Trump's lawyers also point to the Court's recent decision in Trump v. CASA (2025), which held that federal courts typically should not issue injunctions that extend beyond the individual parties to a lawsuit. So, even if the one plaintiff who was stopped twice may obtain an injunction, that court order might have to be so narrow that it protects him and him alone against future illegal stops. Trump's CASA argument is hardly airtight. Though CASA did hold that broad injunctions are generally discouraged, it did permit them when necessary to give a victorious plaintiff 'complete relief.' Frimpong argued that a broad injunction is warranted in Perdomo, because law enforcement officers cannot reasonably be expected to know which suspects are protected by a court order. 'It would be a fantasy to expect that law enforcement could and would inquire whether a given individual was among the [plaintiffs] before proceeding with a seizure,' she wrote. The only way to stop ICE from targeting the Perdomo plaintiffs is to issue a court order that protects everyone in Los Angeles. Will that argument persuade a majority of the justices? The honest answer is, 'Who knows?' CASA is a brand new decision, handed down less than two months ago, and the Court has yet to apply its new rule to the facts of any specific case — including the CASA case itself. And the fact remains that it is exceedingly difficult to obtain any injunction against law enforcement, much less the broadly applicable one handed down by Judge Frimpong. The Supreme Court has generally preferred for judges to adjudicate alleged legal violations by law enforcement one at a time, rather than issuing wholesale injunctions halting an illegal practice — even though individual decisions often do little to stop these practices. At least some parts of Frimpong's order are probably overly broad In fairness, there are some good reasons to prefer individual lawsuits over wholesale court orders. Fourth Amendment search and seizure cases typically turn on the very specific facts of a particular case. Police might reasonably suspect, for example, that a person spotted with a large wad of cash in a neighborhood where illegal drugs are often sold is engaged in illegal activity. By contrast, police may not have reasonable grounds to suspect a similar person spotted walking near a business where people often make down payments on their new homes. As a general rule, the Fourth Amendment permits police to briefly stop and search someone if they reasonably suspect that person is engaged in illegal activity — or, in an immigration case, of being illegally present in the United States. To be sure, there are some things that law enforcement may almost never consider when determining whether to stop a particular individual. In Kansas v. Glover (2020), for example, the Court said that police may not target someone based on 'nothing more than a demographic profile' or stop and question someone about their immigration status because of their 'Mexican ancestry.' Frimpong's conclusion that ICE may not target someone solely because of their 'apparent race or ethnicity' is consistent with Glover. But Frimpong's conclusion that law enforcement may never reasonably suspect someone of being undocumented solely based on their presence in a particular location is probably a bit of a stretch. As a federal appeals court explained in a 2014 case, day laborer jobs are 'one of the limited options for workers without documents.' These jobs are often grueling, unreliable, and underpaid. They are unattractive to virtually anyone who is authorized to work in the United States and, thus, have less-demanding and better-paying job options available to them. There are at least some cases, in other words, where a law enforcement officer could reasonably suspect someone of being undocumented if they are consistently seen at a location where undocumented workers seek jobs as day laborers — what Frimpong described as a 'day laborer pick up site.' It is difficult to come up with categorical rules governing which factors law enforcement may consider when deciding whom to stop. Even race may be an acceptable factor in very limited circumstances; if multiple witnesses to a robbery tell police that they saw an East Asian man commit the crime, for example, then police could reasonably limit their search to people who appear to be East Asian. This is one reason why cases like Lyons exist: to prevent judges from handing down categorical rules that prevent police from conducting lawful investigations.


NBC News
2 hours ago
- NBC News
Pennsylvania restaurant employees say ICE raid left a trail of destruction for the business
A local Mexican restaurant chain in Pennsylvania is trying to forge ahead a week after a worksite immigration raid left property damage at two of its storefronts and a workforce afraid to show up to their jobs, according to two employees and a witness who spoke with NBC News. It all started Aug. 7 when immigration authorities showed up at two Emiliano's Mexican Restaurant & Bar locations in the Pittsburgh area. As many as 16 workers were detained — nine worked at a location in Gibsonia, a suburb north of Pittsburgh, and seven others worked at another location in the nearby township of Cranberry. In a social media post that same afternoon, which included a video taken by a worker, the business accused agents of storming into its restaurants and leaving 'a trail of fear, confusion, and destruction' that included a burned kitchen, torn ceiling tiles, broken doors, a safe cut open by an agent and trashed food. The incident raises questions over the tactics used by authorities at this particular raid. This week, gas plumbers fixed a stove that was damaged during the raid, according to two people working at the restaurant chain. Staffing was also thin at the locations targeted by immigration authorities as employees who witnessed the raid, including those who are U.S. citizens, remain 'in shock,' they added. 'No one wants to go back, everyone is scared.' Both workers who spoke with NBC News requested to not be named to protect their family's privacy because of an ongoing federal investigation in connection with last week's events. The U.S. Attorney's Office for the Western District of Pennsylvania declined to clarify what the investigation it is leading is about. As the immigration arrests were happening last week, someone alerted an emergency response immigration hotline run by Casa San Jose, a local nonprofit that advocates for Latino and immigrant communities. The organization quickly dispatched about 20 volunteers to both locations to act as legal observers, collect testimonies and provide support to the workers and families affected, according to Jaime Martinez, a community defense organizer at Casa San Jose. At the Gibsonia location, 'the raid actually caused a kitchen fire that agents were unable to extinguish at the beginning, which put people in danger,' Martinez told NBC News on Tuesday. Employees who spoke to Martinez and his volunteers said the stove was on when agents entered the kitchen because workers were cooking food as they prepared to open the restaurant Thursday morning. The restaurant's manager warned agents that the open burners were on, but witnesses alleged that agents didn't do anything until a fire sparked, he said. The detained employees, who had their arms and ankles shackled, were the ones who directed the agents to find the fire extinguisher and instructed them on how to use it after initially failing to operate it, according to employees who spoke to Martinez and his volunteers. 'By the time the fire department got there, the fire had already been put out with a dry chemical extinguisher, but only after this delay,' Martinez said. A spokesperson with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement told NBC News in an email Thursday that the 'damage to the restaurant, including the small fire, was created by the illegal aliens themselves while they were trying to escape or hide from law enforcement officers.' According to ICE, the agents showed up at the locations in Gibsonia and Cranberry to execute federal search warrants based on information it got alleging that the restaurants were employing undocumented workers, WPXI, NBC's affiliate in Pittsburgh, reported. The agency added that the 16 people detained lack legal status and are now in ICE custody, undergoing immigration proceedings. 'But in the process of coming in with that warrant, they also terrorized the community, pointed guns at people and destroyed a local business,' Martinez said. In response to this, the ICE spokesperson told NBC News, 'All agents and officers followed established legal procedures while executing the warrants.' At the Cranberry location, Casa San Jose volunteers interviewed a worker who described seeing officers come into the restaurant, shouting 'police' and pointing their long guns at the employees. One female employee who was in the kitchen said an agent 'pointed the gun at her head' while telling her to stop cooking, according to Martinez. While she was not detained after showing proper documentation, 'this lady is now going to have to live with the trauma of having law enforcement point a gun at her head while she was at work,' Martinez said. Martinez and one of the workers who spoke with NBC News said agents lined up all of the cuffed employees and made them kneel while pointing their weapons at them. 'Agents and officers operated within established law enforcement standards in order to ensure the safety of law enforcement officers, the public and the illegal aliens themselves,' the ICE spokesperson said in response to this allegation. Last week was not the first time immigration authorities attempted to detain employees from Emiliano's Mexican Restaurant & Bar. The ICE spokesperson confirmed to NBC News that a June incident was part of 'an investigation that ultimately led to the execution of the warrants' this month. Martinez said that on a night in June, he got a call on the hotline, reporting unmarked vehicles surrounding a nearby apartment complex. When the volunteer who was dispatched arrived at the area, she noticed the vehicles were parked with their engines still running, in front and behind the restaurant. According to Martinez, it looked like federal agents inside the vehicles were waiting for workers to come out of the restaurant as it was closing. The vehicles left once TV crews arrived on the scene, he said. 'There were nine people in that restaurant on lockdown,' Martinez said, adding his group doesn't know the immigration status of those workers since it doesn't ask people about that as part of its policy. 'But you don't have to be undocumented to be afraid of getting detained.' Since launching the hotline in March, Casa San Jose has received more than 650 calls reporting more than 100 immigration detentions in the area and has dispatched volunteers in at least 70 instances, according to Martinez. In the wake of the raids at Emiliano's Mexican Restaurant and Bar locations, the community came together and collectively donated more than $133,000. The workers who spoke with NBC News said the business plans to use the funds to cover bond expenses, one month worth of salary for each employee detained and repair damage done to the restaurant.