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Syria vows to investigate footage of Sweida hospital killing

Syria vows to investigate footage of Sweida hospital killing

The Star2 days ago
FILE PHOTO: A view shows Sweida National Hospital, following deadly clashes between Druze fighters, Sunni Bedouin tribes and government forces, in Syria's predominantly Druze city of Sweida, Syria July 25, 2025. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi/File photo
DAMASCUS (Reuters) -Syria's interior ministry said on Monday that it would investigate footage showing men in military fatigues shooting an unarmed man in scrubs at point-blank range in the main hospital in the predominantly Druze city of Sweida last month.
Syria's interior ministry said in a written statement that it had seen the "disturbing video" and "condemns and denounces this act in the strongest terms".
The statement said the ministry tasked the deputy minister for security affairs "to directly supervise the investigation to ensure the perpetrators are identified and arrested as quickly as possible".
The security camera footage, verified by Reuters and by a doctor who witnessed the incident as being filmed inside Sweida National Hospital, shows four men in green military fatigues and one man in a black uniform with the words "Interior Ministry" printed on his back.
In the footage, the five security forces stand in front of a group of about two dozen people in hospital scrubs, kneeling or squatting on the floor. One man in scrubs is standing.
Two of the men in fatigues grab the standing man and slap him, as if trying to force him to sit. The man in scrubs resists and pulls one of the attackers in a headlock and onto the floor.
The other armed men intervene to release their colleague. The man in scrubs is then shot twice while on the floor, first with a rifle by one of the uniformed men and then with a pistol by a second uniformed man.
In the footage, which has no sound, the fighters appear to address the rest of the group, then drag the motionless man away by his feet, leaving a streak of blood on the hospital floor.
The Syrian defence ministry did not immediately respond to questions from Reuters on the incident.
The footage is the latest to emerge of execution-style killings in Sweida, where sectarian bloodshed last month left more than 1,000 people dead, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. A fact-finding committee has been set up to investigate reports of abuses.
WITNESS
Reuters was able to confirm the location of the footage from the floor, doors and walls, which matched media coverage of the hospital lobby. The date on the CCTV footage says the incident took place at about 3:16 p.m. on July 16.
Syrian armed forces were deployed to Sweida city on July 15 to quell clashes between Bedouin tribes and Druze fighters, but the violence worsened after they entered.
A senior doctor in the hospital's orthopaedic department who was in the hospital at the time and witnessed the incident said the security forces had stormed the hospital on July 16.
The doctor identified the slain man as Muhammad Bahsas, a civil engineer who had come to the hospital to volunteer.
The doctor, who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of reprisals, said one of the security personnel who had shot Bahsas told the rest of the group: "Anyone who speaks up to us will end up like him."
The doctor said the armed men then combed through the hospital for hours, searching for weapons and repeatedly calling the medical staff and volunteers "pigs". The security forces kept medical staff confined to hospital rooms overnight and left the hospital by the morning, the doctor said.
(Reporting by Eleanor Whalley in London and Feras Dalatey; Editing by Alison Williams)
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Inside the mine that feeds the tech world - and funds Congo's rebels
Inside the mine that feeds the tech world - and funds Congo's rebels

The Star

time39 minutes ago

  • The Star

Inside the mine that feeds the tech world - and funds Congo's rebels

RUBAYA, Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) -Under the watchful eye of M23 rebels in the hills around the Congolese town of Rubaya, a line of men in rubber boots ferry sacks full of crushed rocks up winding paths cut into the slopes. The laborers are hauling coltan ore, a mineral that powers the modern world. The ore will be loaded onto motorbikes and eventually shipped thousands of kilometers away to Asia. There it's processed into tantalum, a heat-resistant metal that fetches more than $300 a kilogram and is in high demand by makers of mobile phones, computers, aerospace components and gas turbines. Rubaya produces around 15% of the world's coltan, all dug manually by impoverished locals who earn a few dollars per day. Control of this mine is the biggest prize in a long-running conflict in this central African nation. The area was seized in April 2024 by M23, a rebel group the United Nations says has plundered Rubaya's riches to help fund its insurgency, backed by the government of neighboring Rwanda. The heavily-armed rebels, whose stated aim is to overthrow the government in Kinshasa and ensure the safety of the Congolese Tutsi minority, captured even more mineral-rich territory in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) this year. The region and its mineral wealth are in the spotlight as M23 and the DRC have pledged to sign a peace deal at a ceremony in Qatar's capital, Doha, this month. The United States is mediating parallel talks between Congo and Rwanda, dangling potentially billions of dollars in investment if hostilities cease. The United States Treasury on Tuesday sanctioned other alleged participants in minerals smuggling in Congo, including PARECO-FF, a pro-government Congolese militia that the U.S. said controlled the Rubaya mining site from 2022 to early 2024, prior to M23's takeover. PARECO-FF could not be reached for comment. Asked at a press briefing why Washington was targeting PARECO-FF rather than M23, a senior U.S. government official noted that M23 has been under U.S. sanctions since 2013 for fueling conflict in the region. 'The Treasury Department will not hesitate to take action against groups that deny the United States and our allies access to the critical minerals vital for our national defense,' John K. Hurley, undersecretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, said in a separate statement. Jason Stearns, a former U.N. investigator in Congo, said the fact that M23 was not targeted by the new mining-related sanctions was surprising, adding the move might be aimed at keeping the Doha talks on track. M23's advance poses the most serious threat to the Kinshasa government in at least two decades of conflict rooted in Rwanda's 1994 genocide, which saw around 1 million of Rwanda's Tutsi ethnic group killed by Hutu militias. Rwanda's government has long denied that it traffics in coltan looted from its neighbor or that it backs M23. But Rwanda's ruling party, mainly headed by Tutsis, shares the same concerns as the Tutsi-dominated M23 insurgents over the purported threat posed by rival Hutu groups operating in eastern Congo. A July 3 U.N. report,reviewed by Reuters, says that as of April, Rwanda had placed at least 1,000 to 1,500 troops in Congo's rebel-controlled areas. M23 now controls two key Congolese cities – Goma and Bukavu – on the border with Rwanda. U.N. investigators say that it is through these cities that Congolese minerals are illegally trucked to Rwanda, often at night, where the ore is mixed with Rwandan coltan production in a bid to disguise its provenance before export. M23 and the Rwandan and Congolese governments did not respond to requests for comment. Congolese officials have repeatedly accused Rwanda of fomenting the conflict to plunder Congo's mineral wealth. According to a December U.N. report, the scale of the trade reached new heights after the capture of Rubaya by M23. The rebels went on to establish a parallel administration controlling mining activities, trade, transport and the taxation of the minerals produced there, the U.N. reported. Reuters reporters visited Rubaya in March this year and were told by M23 officials that the rebels had imposed a tax on mineral traders of 15% on the value of coltan they purchase from the informal miners who work the area. M23 was taking in $800,000 monthly from levies collected from coltan mining in eastern Congo, according to the December U.N. report. MUD AND MOTORBIKES Simply reaching Rubaya's sprawling, beehive-like maze of pits is a major undertaking. Reuters journalists who visited the mining sites in March had to abandon their four-wheel-drive Land Cruisers after the vehicles became stuck on the muddy road from Goma. They walked 5 kilometers (3 miles) to reach the town and then hopped on the back of motorcycles with rebel officials to reach the pits. Activity in Rubaya begins before dawn, when thousands of miners descend on the pits cut into the rolling hills of Congo's North Kivu province, where many toil in 12-hour shifts. The tunnels can be as deep as 15 meters (49 feet) underground. Once fragments of ore are dislodged, porters carry sacks of the rubble to the surface where laborers have dug shallow basins that are filled with water. There, other workers, including women and children, wash the ore and separate it from sand and other debris before laying it into the sun to dry. The journalists were supervised by unarmed M23 personnel throughout their visit to the mining area. A reporter saw a rebel official jotting down in a notebook how many sacks each porter – covered in a fine white dust – carted to each collection point. Once the ore is dry, it is stacked on the backs of motorbikes that carry it to one of several depots in the nearby town of Rubaya, where it is sold to traders. With a M23 chaperone listening, Pascal Mugisha Nsabimana, a 32-year-old miner, told Reuters that working under rebel occupation was preferable to toiling under the supervision of Congo's military and its allies, who fled when M23 moved in on the area last year. Previously 'there was too much harassment, there were many different taxes, and often we, the diggers, were not paid. And even if we got something, it was poorly paid,' the miner said. He added that his current day rate had at least tripled to 15,000 Congolese francs ($5.15) with M23 in charge. In the early months following M23's takeover of Rubaya in April 2024, smugglers used motorcycles to sneak the ore into Rwanda via backroads to avoid scrutiny by Congolese forces remaining along the border, according to more than a dozen people familiar with the situation, including current and former smugglers, miners and local businessmen. The journey could take an entire day, according to two ex-smugglers who transported coltan this way until last year. They said they loaded their bikes each trip with three 50-kilogram bags and were paid about $34 for delivering it to coltan traders. But alterations implemented by M23 have proven a game changer in terms of efficiency, nine of those people said. Motorcycles are no longer the primary means of transport and are used only to ferry the coltan from the mine to the town of Rubaya. From there, the ore is loaded into four-wheel drive SUVs, pickups and other vehicles capable of hauling anywhere from two tons to 20 tons each, according to the people and the July U.N report. The system is faster, too. Since M23 drove Congolese troops from Goma and took control of that border city, coltan trucks can now pass freely through it on paved roads into Rwanda, slashing transport times, the people said. U.N. experts and human rights activists have long warned that profits from illegal mining are funding conflict. They say the trade has brought little wealth to local people and that child labor is common. Reuters witnessed at least a dozen children working at the Rubaya mine: Young boys entered the shafts to haul out ore and carry it to the basins where girls worked alongside adults washing and drying the coltan. Gregory Mthembu-Salter, a former U.N. expert on Congo who now does consulting on conflict minerals, said broad efforts by the mining industry, U.N. agencies and non-government organizations that began around 2010 to clean up the region's supply chain and prevent human rights abuses have largely failed. 'Here we are, 15 years later, (and) the same thing is happening,' said Mthembu-Salter, director of Phuzumoya Consulting. U.S. INVESTORS EYE RUBAYA'S RICHES Some U.S. entrepreneurs have also set their sights on Rubaya's coltan treasure as President Donald Trump seeks to broker a peace deal to end the conflict and promote development of the region's mineral wealth. In Congo, those riches include huge reserves of cobalt, gold, copper, lithium and diamonds in addition to coltan. The country's formal mining sector at present is dominated by Chinese companies. Texas hedge fund manager Gentry Beach, who is chairman of investment firm America First Global and helped raise funds for Trump's election campaign in 2016, was part of a consortium looking to negotiate rights to the Rubaya mine, according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter. The Financial Times earlier reported Gentry's interest in Congo's coltan. The source told Reuters that Beach's group had proposed to the Congolese government taking a majority stake in the mine, with Kinshasa retaining a 30% interest. Beach confirmed his interest in the project to Reuters but declined to provide additional details. Some U.S. lawmakers are pushing back. In an Aug. 8 letter to Trump and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, more than 50 Democratic congress members criticized what they said was the administration's lack of transparency in its negotiations with the DRC. They also raised concerns about a potential conflict of interest in a Trump ally angling for rights to develop the Rubaya mine. White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly said in an Aug. 5 emailed statement that the agreement between Congo and Rwanda arranged by Trump has the potential to lead to lasting peace and stability in the region. The president's vision is a 'win-win outcome where all parties benefit—economically and politically—through cooperation and shared prosperity,' the statement said. She did not respond to a follow-up query about the letter from congressional Democrats. The U.S. State Department did not comment. On Aug. 1, the State Department said in a statement that it was committed to supporting efforts being made by Rwanda and Congo to advance security and economic cooperation. Heads of state would soon be invited to Washington for a summit, according to the statement, which did not elaborate. The U.S.-backed accord does not include M23. The rebel group is part of a separate, parallel mediation led by Qatar that seeks to end hostilities. The success of those talks in Doha is key to any lasting peace – and in making Rubaya safe for investment and development by Western mining interests. Some diplomats and analysts are dubious about the prospects for a speedy resolution. Congo and M23 rebels pledged in Doha to reach a peace deal by August 18. But progress has been jeopardized by the killing of at least 319 civilians in eastern Congo last month, according to the U.N., which says the attacks were carried out by M23. Reuters could not independently confirm those killings. M23 leader Bertrand Bisimwa told the news agency last month that it would investigate, but he said reports of atrocities could be a 'smear campaign' against the insurgent group. Meanwhile, the U.S.-brokered deal calls for Rwandan troops to pull out of Congo. But Rwandan President Paul Kagame said last month he was not sure the agreement would hold. Kagame said Congo first must live up to its promises to subdue the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an eastern Congo-based ethnic Hutu militia linked to the Rwandan genocide, which Kigali sees as an existential threat. Josaphat Musamba, a Congolese researcher and Ph.D student at Ghent University in Belgium, said suppressing the militia would be a tall order for the DRC's military, which is no longer present in large swathes of M23-controlled territory. 'It's difficult to neutralize the FDLR as long as M23 are there and the Congolese army has not redeployed,' Musamba said. He described both peace initiatives as 'piecemeal' efforts that aren't dealing with 'the reality on the ground.' Another formidable undertaking would be transforming Rubaya's current crude system of coltan extraction into a modern operation, said a senior diplomat who is closely following events. 'No one talks about the feasibility of giving out these mining concessions and running these concessions, especially since the whole mine is artisanal mining,' done almost entirely by hand, the diplomat said. (Reporting by Giulia Paravicini in Rubaya, Democratic Republic of Congo, and David Lewis in Goma. Additional reporting by Sonia Rolley in Paris and Jarrett Renshaw in Philadelphia. Editing by Marla Dickerson and Silvia Aloisi.)

After Assad, Syria wrestles with fragile rebirth
After Assad, Syria wrestles with fragile rebirth

New Straits Times

time39 minutes ago

  • New Straits Times

After Assad, Syria wrestles with fragile rebirth

DAMASCUS stands at a historic inflexion point. The dynasty of Bashar al-Assad finally collapsed in June 2025, swept away by years of repression, warlordism and economic free-fall. A caretaker president, technocrat-turned-statesman Ahmed al-Sharaa, now presides over a cabinet that deliberately mirrors Syria's mosaic. Druze, Kurdish, Alawite and Christian ministers share the table in a bid to prove that pluralism can replace sectarian rule. Yet legitimacy remains paper-thin. Fourteen million displaced Syrians will not return unless the new authorities can guarantee safety and justice, and entire provinces in the north-east and north-west still answer to rival militias or foreign patrons. Infrastructure lies in ruins, sanctions bite hard, and more than 90 per cent of citizens hover below the poverty line; key sectors from tourism to energy are "paralysed" by insecurity and neglect. A major fault-line is the scramble for autonomy. Kurdish forces control a de-facto polity stretching from the Tigris to the Euphrates, while Druze factions in Sweida flirt with Israeli backing. Their twin quests for self-rule risk snapping the country into permanent patchworks of influence and inviting further regional strikes. These factors represents the "issues and challenges" of a post-Assad order. The battlefield victory most needed today is psychological: rebuilding a national identity shattered by a decade-long civil-cum-proxy war. According to the Constructivist theory, societies remake themselves through shared narratives and the "Whole-of-Society" playbook, which insists that recovery cannot be outsourced to diplomats and generals alone. At the core lies security-sector reform. Police, military and intelligence agencies must shed their reputation as instruments of terror and embrace service, legality and civilian oversight. A professional, rights-based force vetted to exclude war-criminals and inclusive enough to reflect Syria's ethnic spectrum is the sine qua non of public trust. Plans must even envisage a National Defence University to retrain a new cohort of officers. Economics, however, may prove the harsher taskmaster. I urge Damascus to treat recovery as a "patriotic and unifying endeavour," marrying diaspora capital with participatory budgeting and rural-urban equity programmes. Renewable-energy micro-grids could undercut warlords who trade in oil smuggling, while community-based tourism might lure expatriates and pilgrims back to Palmyra and Bosra. Social healing must receive equal billing. Dialogue circles, inter-faith councils and truth-telling ceremonies are prescribed to "nurture empathy and collective memory," while overhauling school curricula to champion tolerance is deemed essential for a generation that has known nothing but siege and slogans. In the media sphere, conflict-sensitive journalism and revamped libel laws could help replace propaganda with inclusive national debate. Above all, they need strategic patience. Syria should resist quick-fix militarism, opting instead for long-horizon diplomacy, institution-building and restraint, an approach that might gradually recast the country's image from belligerent pariah to rational peace-seeker. Even in the best-case scenario, one foresees only "hybrid stability." Some regions may enjoy calm under power-sharing pacts while others remain contested; militias could morph into local police forces yet retain their guns; economic revival may come in uneven spurts and leave corruption largely intact. The task, therefore, is less about restoring a pre-2011 Syria than about negotiating a new social contract robust enough to survive these imperfections. For now, Al-Sharaa's government clings to a slender mandate: to prove that a state forged in diversity can outlast one built on fear. Whether that experiment succeeds will depend on how fast inclusive institutions can eclipse the shadows of sect and on how patiently the international community is willing to invest in a peace that may take a generation to mature.

Syrian Kurdish YPG should stop delaying Syria integration, Turkey says
Syrian Kurdish YPG should stop delaying Syria integration, Turkey says

The Star

time39 minutes ago

  • The Star

Syrian Kurdish YPG should stop delaying Syria integration, Turkey says

FILE PHOTO: Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan attends a press conference following a meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Moscow, Russia, May 27, 2025. Pavel Bednyakov/Pool via REUTERS/File Photo ANKARA (Reuters) -The Kurdish YPG militia, which spearheads the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), should stop "playing for time" and abide by its integration agreement with the Syrian government, Turkey's Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said on Wednesday. NATO-member Turkey has been one of Syria's main foreign allies after the ousting of Bashar al-Assad last year. The SDF, which controls much of northeast Syria, signed an agreement with Damascus in March to integrate into the Syrian state apparatus. Ankara considers both the SDF and YPG as terrorist organisations. "Turkey will not be comfortable unless its security concerns in Syria are addressed," Fidan told a joint press conference with his Syrian counterpart Asaad al-Shibani in Ankara. "Our sole concern is that all ethnic and religious groups in Syria continue their existence without posing a threat to any country, without having armed, terrorist elements on their territory, within the unity and integrity of Syria," Fidan said. "A new era has begun in the region and there's a new process in Turkey. They should benefit from those positive developments," Fidan said, referring to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) militant group's decision to disband and disarm. Turkey views the YPG as a PKK extension but the YPG has previously said Ocalan's call did not apply to it, contradicting Ankara's view. The SDF has been in conflict with Turkey-backed Syrian armed groups in northern Syria for years. (Reporting by Tuvan Gumrukcu, Writing by Huseyin Hayatsever; Editing by Daren Butler, Alexandra Hudson)

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