‘Reciprocal' Tariffs Make No Sense
At an Oval Office press conference Thursday, President Trump confirmed that he's going ahead with his reciprocal tariff plan. The U.S., he said, will impose the same tariffs on other countries as they impose on the U.S.: 'No more, no less.' That sounds fair—we treat them the way they treat us—but it's actually a terrible idea.
It amounts to outsourcing U.S. tariff policy to other countries. They would dictate what our tariffs would be. If other countries put high tariffs on American goods, then we would impose high tariffs on their goods. So much for American sovereignty. So much for deciding what's in our own national interest. The British economist Joan Robinson once said that a country shouldn't throw rocks into its own harbors just because other countries have rocky coasts. The same principle applies here: The U.S. shouldn't have stupid tariff policies just because other countries have stupid tariff policies.
A reciprocal policy would enormously complicate the U.S. tariff system. The Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the U.S., which details individual rates on particular commodities, has about 13,000 line items. The U.S. trades with roughly 200 countries. Is Washington ready to impose and manage 2.6 million individual tariff rates? The lobbying pressures for exemptions and exceptions on the U.S. side would be enormous. This would fill the swamp, not drain it. Foreign exporters would go to great lengths either to get their products under a lower tariff classification or to transship them to another country to reduce the duty they would face.
Reciprocal tariff systems lead to nonsensical policies. Consider: China exports rare-earth minerals that are essential for the production of many high-technology goods. The U.S. doesn't export such goods to China. But if China were nonetheless to impose high tariffs on them, would the U.S. then be required to impose real prohibitive duties on mineral imports from China?
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Politico
7 minutes ago
- Politico
Trump won't let other countries score big ‘wins' in trade talks. Both sides could lose.
A trade agreement with India was supposed to be one of President Donald Trump's first victories from the 'reciprocal' tariff salvo he fired against dozens of trading partners in early April. But while the administration has been promising for more than two months that a deal is imminent, they're still struggling to get it over the finish line. Two people close to the negotiations, granted anonymity because of the sensitivity of the discussions, say Washington and New Delhi continue to make progress toward the first phase of a trade deal, with the expectation that a more comprehensive agreement could come later in the fall. But the White House's demands to 'open up India' as it seeks a major trade victory ahead of President Donald Trump's self-imposed July 8 deadline — as well as his attempt to link the talks to thorny geopolitics in the region — have made it that much harder for Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government to sell the deal to a domestic audience. And it underscores how Trump's all-sticks-and-no-carrot approach to trade talks is making it difficult for even friendly foreign governments to reach an agreement they fear could be political suicide back home — no matter how much the White House threatens their economies. 'Nothing riles Indians more than the idea that their government was bullied by a foreign leader,' said Syed Akbaruddin, India's former ambassador to the United Nations. 'A trade bargain that could have been a win-win deal now risks being portrayed by those who oppose it as a tribute, not a partnership.' India was one of the first countries to begin trade negotiations with the U.S., launching talks in February as Trump began to unveil his ambitious agenda to upend global trade. Negotiators have reached agreement on some agricultural issues, energy purchases and non-tariff barriers, prompting rosy White House projections that a deal is in the offing. While visiting India in late April, Vice President JD Vance announced the two sides had 'officially finalized the Terms of Reference' for the negotiations. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said June 3 that, 'You should expect a deal between the United States and India (in the) not-too-distant future because I think we have found a place that really works for both countries.' And at an event at the White House on Friday, Trump, himself, teased that, 'I think we're going to reach a deal where we have the right to go in and trade' in India. He added, 'We're looking to get a full trade barrier dropping, which is unthinkable, and I'm not sure that that's going to happen, but as of this moment, we've agreed to that.' But it has proven difficult to officially ink a deal, people close to the negotiations say, because of all the things the Trump administration is asking India to do to lower its trade barriers, while only offering to give up some of its newly-imposed tariffs, in return. For the White House, which is rapidly approaching its deadline, India would be just the second country that has agreed to a deal, not counting a tariff ceasefire with China. Any agreement would have to help justify the administration's claim that Trump's high tariff rates are truly helping to open up new markets for American products, while protecting the U.S. market. 'Productive discussions with India continue, and we look forward to announcing an historic U.S.-India trade agreement in short order,' said a White House official, granted anonymity to discuss the negotiation. The president has complicated matters by repeatedly taking credit for brokering peace between India and Pakistan this spring — even though India has long insisted it won't accept any mediation when it comes to Pakistan. Modi underscored that point in a recent call with Trump, saying that there is 'complete political consensus in India on this matter,' according to a readout of the call from India's foreign minister. The diplomatic fumble, which the president repeated multiple times this week, including at the NATO summit in the Netherlands, coupled with Trump's recent decision to host Pakistan's army chief at the White House, could make it harder for the Indian government to sell a trade deal to its people. 'Trump's comments have injected mistrust and public skepticism of U.S. support to India,' said Akbaruddin, India's former U.N. ambassador. 'The more he repeats his claim, the more a prospective U.S.-India trade agreement smells like coercion, not cooperation.' 'Whatever the current government [in India] does, it will be seen as they basically capitulated to President Trump's demand,' said Mukesh Aghi, the President and CEO of the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum. 'So they are in a no-win situation.' The White House views tariffs as a cudgel to extract concessions from foreign countries — both on trade matters and a wide array of other foreign policy priorities. But it has failed to grasp, or simply doesn't care, how much trading partners' domestic politics factor into the discussions, and ultimately may trump even the existential economic threat the U.S. can wield. Talks with South Korea stalled while the country, under a caretaker government, moved to elect a new leader. Negotiations with Japan have been snagged by the Trump administration's demand that Tokyo increase defense spending and insistence on maintaining its 25 percent tariff on auto and auto parts imports, a massive blow to one of Japan's culturally defining industries. EU leaders have balked at U.S. efforts to undermine their VAT, a domestic consumption tax. India has some of the highest tariffs of any major economy in the world, with an average rate of around 17 percent. Its government, in particular, has long sought to protect the country's millions of subsistence farmers, who have outsized political clout. In 2020, after the Parliament of India passed farm legislation, farmers held a sustained protest for more than a year and eventually succeeded in getting the laws repealed. They protested again in 2024, criticizing the government for not doing more to help farmers. 'India is protective of its farmers, which is why they have relatively high tariffs compared to anywhere in the world,' said Sharon Bomer Lauritsen, a former agriculture negotiator at USTR who currently works with AgriTrade. 'They're going to protect their farmers.' The Trump administration has been here before. During his first term, negotiators worked with India in an attempt to secure a bilateral trade deal — similar to agreements the administration was able to negotiate with Japan and South Korea. The deal would have centered around three areas — increased access to India's agricultural, information technology and medical devices markets. But as talks dragged on and the scope of the deal shrank, Trump scrapped the plan. 'They got very close, really, really close to concluding a first-ever bilateral trade deal,' said Mark Linscott, a former negotiator for USTR who was involved in negotiations with India. 'This time around it's clearly a priority for both sides …. It's the agreement that got away.' Much of the challenge has been opening India's agricultural market, particularly when it comes to the genetically modified crops grown in the U.S. and dairy products. India, as a majority Hindu country, has significant religious concerns about the import of byproducts from cows. While the Biden administration was able to secure increased access for specialty agriculture products like nuts and cranberries, India is reluctant to make deals that undercut its own farmers. Any early deal with India would likely focus on products that are not readily accessible in the country, like fruits and vegetables, nuts, alfalfa and potentially ethanol. But, despite the political tension in India, the U.S. agriculture industry has continued its long-standing push to open the country's fast-growing market to U.S. products, particularly dairy. A deal on dairy is still proving elusive, even as the U.S. has shifted its strategy to lower tariffs and simplify the certificates necessary to allow more dairy products into the country. 'They've been pretty clear all along that dairy was going to be a heavy lift,' said a person close to the negotiations. Any deal announced by July 9 is likely to just be the first phase of an ongoing effort to secure a substantial bilateral trade agreement with India — a process that could stretch on for at least another year, those close to the discussions say. Linscott, who negotiated with India for USTR in the first Trump administration, said the administration knows the U.S. will likely have to make some concessions in order to secure a larger deal, putting the talks in a different bucket than other deals the U.S. is seeking to negotiate. 'India is the fourth largest economy in the world now, will soon be the third largest economy in the world, and is a critical strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific,' Linscott said. 'I think all those factor in a bit in the overall negotiating dynamics.' Phelim Kine contributed to this article.


CNN
7 minutes ago
- CNN
The last Hong Kong pro-democracy party that held street protests disbands
Hong Kong pro-democracy political party League of Social Democrats announced on Sunday it had disbanded due to immense political pressure, the latest casualty in a years-long crackdown that has already quieted much of the city's once-vocal opposition. Following massive anti-government protests in 2019, many leading activists were prosecuted or jailed under a 2020 national security law imposed by Beijing. Dozens of civil society groups dissolved. Media outlets critical of the government shuttered. The League of Social Democrats was the only pro-democracy party that still staged small street protests from time to time and held street booth activities to carry on its advocacy despite the risks. Its chairperson, Chan Po-ying, said the disbandment decision was made after careful deliberation, especially taking into account the consequences to its members and comrades. Chan refused to elaborate on the pressure but said she was proud to say that the party had still contributed to the city's pro-democracy movement in these few years. 'We have stayed true to our original aspirations and haven't let down to the trust placed in us by those who went to prison,' she said. 'While we are now forced to disband and feel an ache in our conscience, we have no other choice,' she said. Hong Kong, a former British colony, will mark the 28th anniversary of returning to Chinese rule on July 1. The city used to hold annual pro-democracy protests that day and other various demonstrations demanding better policies. But those were ceased after most organizing groups were disbanded and the leading activists were jailed. Critics say the drastic political changes under the security law reflect that the freedoms Beijing promised to keep intact in 1997 are shrinking. The Beijing and Hong Kong governments insist the law is necessary for the city's stability. A Chinese official overseeing Hong Kong affairs in 2023 said protests are not the only way for people to express their views, signaling Beijing's stance toward demonstrations in the city. In April, Hong Kong's biggest pro-democracy party, the Democratic Party, also voted to give its leadership the mandate to move toward a potential disbandment. Party veterans told The Associated Press that some members were warned of consequences if the party didn't shut down. A final vote is expected at a later date. Chan said she believed the 'one country, two systems' principle, which Beijing uses to govern Hong Kong, has already ended, pointing to the Chinese government's imposition of the security law and introducing the idea of 'soft resistance,' a term officials use to refer to underlying security risks. 'One country, two systems has already (become) one country, one system,' she said. Founded in 2006, the League of Social Democrats was a left-wing political party that opposed what it called collusion between government and business, upheld the principle that people have a say and was firmly committed to the interests of underprivileged residents. It was widely known for its more aggressive tactics when fighting for change. Its members have thrown bananas, eggs and luncheon meat at officials or pro-Beijing lawmakers as a protest gesture. Its party platform said the group advocated non-violent resistance but would not avoid physical confrontations – a stance that set it apart from older, traditional pro-democracy groups. It once had three lawmakers in office. Its longest-serving lawmaker, Leung Kwok-hung – Chan's husband – was disqualified from the legislature due to his manner of taking his oath in office in 2017. On the streets, the group's activism led to the arrests and jailing of its members from time to time. Last year, Leung and prominent LGBTQ+ activist Jimmy Sham, a former party leader, were sentenced to nearly seven years and more than four years over their roles in an unofficial primary election under the sweeping security law. Sham was freed from prison last month. In recent years, the party has had limited political influence, no longer holding any seats in the legislature or local district councils. Even a bank ceased to provide bank account services to the group. But it continued to stage small protests from time to time, despite sometimes those activities leading to arrests. On June 12, Chan and other members were fined after being found guilty over their street booth activities. Undeterred by their convictions, they kept pressing on and protested against the ruling outside the court. Chan wiped away tears during Sunday's press conference and chanted slogans with other members at the end. She said she doesn't believe that democracy will come in the near future. 'Moving forward is not at all easy,' she said. 'I hope everyone can become like an ember, a flying spark – still carrying light, keeping that light alive, no matter how small it may be.'


Fox News
13 minutes ago
- Fox News
What to expect ahead of the Senate's 'vote-a-rama' on the 'big, beautiful bill'
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