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Chris Bowen launches a brutal post-election attack on his critics - as he pushes ahead with plan to phase out coal-fired power plants

Chris Bowen launches a brutal post-election attack on his critics - as he pushes ahead with plan to phase out coal-fired power plants

Daily Mail​14-05-2025

Chris Bowen has doubled down on his green energy drive, citing Labor's landslide election victory as evidence that voters in the suburbs and the bush support renewables.
The Minister for Climate Change and Energy has claimed that a 'silent majority' of Australians are in favour of solar and wind farms, backed up by gas and storage.
' Peter Dutton described the 2025 election as a referendum on Australia's energy choices. Fair enough,' Bowen wrote in an opinion piece published in The Australian newspaper.
'And the results of that referendum are clear: in uncertain times Australians want an affordable plan, backed by the experts.'
Bowen cited swings towards Labor in seats where candidates had advocated for offshore wind farms, such as Bass and Braddon in Tasmania, which adjoin the Bass Strait offshore wind zone.
He slammed the Coalition's nuclear policy, repeating Labor's scare campaign price tag of $600 billion while insisting the policy was all about 'securing internal political peace at any cost to taxpayers'.
'Dutton paid a particularly high price for his support of Ted O'Brien's nuclear policy: 47 per cent of voters in Dickson said the nuclear policy was their reason for withholding their support in the leader's constituency,' Bowen added.
The Smart Energy Council, a Labor party donor, came up with the $600 billion price tag, which was disputed by independent body Frontier Economics, who estimated the the Coalition's plan would cost around $331 billion.
Bowen, 52, took aim at what he believes is a fallacy in the argument against renewables: that they are supported by inner-city dwellers and opposed by those in the suburbs and rural communities.
'One of the great myths of the climate change debate in Australia is that inner-city dwellers support strong climate action and the rest of us are lukewarm or hostile,' he wrote.
'In fact, people in the suburbs and regions are living the transition and benefiting from it.
'The top three suburbs in NSW benefiting from our electric vehicle discount aren't in the inner city or North Shore. They are Baulkham Hills, Marsden Park and Kellyville, deep in northwest Sydney.
'You're more likely to see an EV in Werribee than Toorak.'
He added: 'When it comes to solar panels, there are 10 times more solar arrays in Blacktown (in my electorate) than in Bondi (in the seat of Wentworth).'
Although Bowen resigned himself to the fact that conservative commentators would still argue about 'how unpopular renewable energy is, at least now there is real-world data to remind us how wrong they are'.
He committed to replacing Australia's ageing coal-fired power stations with renewables.
The Labor administration has an ambitious target of the national electricity grid being made up of 82 per cent of renewables by 2030.
On Tuesday, the new Liberal Leader Sussan Ley would not confirm or deny whether the Coalition would dump its unpopular nuclear policy or its commitment to achieving net-zero by 2050.

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King's birthday honours list 2025: from broadcasting luminary Phillip Adams to a PM and a film-making couple
King's birthday honours list 2025: from broadcasting luminary Phillip Adams to a PM and a film-making couple

The Guardian

time33 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

King's birthday honours list 2025: from broadcasting luminary Phillip Adams to a PM and a film-making couple

The broadcasting luminary Phillip Adams has been appointed a companion of the Order of Australia on the King's birthday honours roll, where he is joined by the former prime minister Scott Morrison and film-making couple Baz Luhrmann and Catherine Martin. Adams was made a member of the order in 1987, then an officer in 1992. At the age of 85, he can now add the suffix AC – denoting Australia's highest civilian honour – to his name. 'It's good, isn't it, given I left school at 15,' he said. 'If they waited any longer, it would have been posthumous.' Adams started writing at the age of 16 for the communist newspaper the Workers' Weekly Guardian and today writes for The Australian, earning 'a penny from Rupert, who keeps me on, as I often say, to give the illusion of pluralism'. He said his nomination was 'interesting' in that it involved two ex-prime ministers from different sides of the political fence: Kevin Rudd and Malcolm Turnbull. He is most proud of his roadmap – and subsequent securing of funding – for the Australian film industry, his early alerts to climate change and work on refugee justice and the voice referendum – even if, by his measure, some of those campaigns have been 'fizzes'. Sign up for Guardian Australia's breaking news email But his most enjoyable role was his 33 years at the helm of Radio National's Late Night Live, 'pumping out an infinite number of interviews', he told Guardian Australia. Morrison, the prime minister from August 2018 until May 2022, is also among the 14 people appointed companion of the order, with his leadership in Australia's contribution to Aukus singled out for mention by the council overseeing the honours. The former Liberal leader said he was 'honoured and grateful' to have been appointed and that his time as the country's 30th PM was an 'immense privilege'. His tenure faced 'unrelenting' natural disasters and a global pandemic, through which, he said in a statement, 'Australia proudly prevailed'. He thanked the Australian people and his former colleagues, in particular Josh Frydenberg and Michael McCormack, as well as the Liberal party 'and the people of Cook in southern Sydney for the honour of representing them in the Australian parliament'. 'Above all, I am exceedingly grateful to my wife Jenny, daughters Abbey and Lily, my mother Marion and late father John, and all my family and friends,' he said. Luhrmann, the writer and director of Strictly Ballroom and Romeo + Juliet, and his artistic collaborator and partner, Martin, have also been appointed to the order as companions. Sign up to Breaking News Australia Get the most important news as it breaks after newsletter promotion Martin won four Academy Awards for her costume and production design on The Great Gatsby and Moulin Rouge!, adding a Bafta for her costume design in 2022's Elvis. She and Luhrmann have 20 Australian Academy of Cinema and Television Arts awards between them. Prof Graeme Stephens, a co-director at Nasa's climate sciences centre, the Sydney businesswoman and author Wendy McCarthy and South African-Australian author JM Coetzee have become companions of the order, adding the honour to a long list of previous accolades, including Coetzee's Nobel prize in literature. As the ambassador to the Holy See from 2012 until 2016, John McCarthy worked closely with the late cardinal George Pell. The Catholic church lawyer, involved in the controversial Towards Healing church-run compensation scheme, becomes a member of the order. The former Vogue Australia editor Kirstie Clements receives a medal of the order of Australia, as does the skin cancer awareness ambassador and former Australian Women's Weekly editor Deborah Hutton. A meritorious award goes to the ACT's Dr Bridget Gilmour-Walsh, an architect of new federal vaping legislation. This year's King's birthday honours roll recognises 830 Australians across general and military divisions. The youngest recipient, Scott Guerini, 19, is recognised for his charitable fundraising, while the oldest, South Australian resident Henry Young, is honoured at the age of 101 for his service to veterans and tennis.

Boomer homebuyers had to battle the highest interest rates in Australian history - but there's one reason they 'did it tougher' is a big lie
Boomer homebuyers had to battle the highest interest rates in Australian history - but there's one reason they 'did it tougher' is a big lie

Daily Mail​

time4 hours ago

  • Daily Mail​

Boomer homebuyers had to battle the highest interest rates in Australian history - but there's one reason they 'did it tougher' is a big lie

Baby boomers had it much easier than the younger generations buying a house - despite having to pay exorbitantly high interest rates. The generation born after the war were hit with massive 18 per cent interest rates back in the late 1980s. Those repayments were crippling, when they were coming of age in the seventies and eighties, but houses were significantly cheaper compared with typical incomes. That was also back when Australia's population was almost half of what it is today, long before annual immigration levels soared. Baby boomer economist Saul Eslake bought his first house in Melbourne 's St Kilda East for $105,000 in 1984 on a $35,000 salary when he was 26, after benefiting from free university education. With an $80,000 mortgage, he was borrowing little more than double his pay before tax and hits out at any suggestion his boomer generation did it tougher - despite the high interest rates he paid. 'I paid eighteen-and-a-half per cent for some of that but my first house cost $105,000 and it took me less than three years to save up the deposit,' he told Daily Mail Australia. 'Even though interest rates are less than half what I was paying, it was nowhere near as tough as now and I didn't have HECS debt to pay off because I was part of that lucky generation when it was free. 'My generation had it pretty easy - we got free education, we got housing very cheaply and we have made a motza out of the increase in house prices that we have voted for.' In 1980, Sydney's mid-point priced house cost $65,000, or just 4.5 times the average, full-time male wage in an era when a woman would struggle to get a mortgage without a signature from her husband. Real estate data group PropTrack estimated Sydney's median house would cost $338,000 today, or just 4.3 times the average salary now for all Australian workers, if house prices had increased at the same pace as wages during the past 45 years. In 2025, Sydney's middle-priced house costs $1.47million or 14.3 times the average, full-time salary of $103,000. But that price-to-income ratio surges to 18.7 if it's based on the average salary of $78,567 for all workers. AMP deputy chief economist Diana Mousina, a Millennial, said the younger generations were having a tougher time now saving up for 20 per cent mortgage deposit just to buy a home. 'The problem now is just getting into the market - that's what takes the larger chunk of trying to save; it takes 11 years to save,' she said. Boomers battled with sky high interest rates in the 80s - they haven't been that high since - but they had it easier because house prices were much more affordable Melbourne's mid-point house price cost just $40,000 in 1980 or 2.8 times the average male salary. If affordability had remained constant, a typical Melbourne would now cost just $205,400. But the Victorian capital's median house price of $850,000 is now 10.8 times the average salary for all workers. Brisbane's median house price cost $32,750 in 1980 or just 2.2 times what an average man earned. That would be $174,600 today if buying power hadn't changed. Queensland capital houses now cost $910,000 or 11.6 times the average salary. The major banks are unlikely to lend someone more than five times their pay before tax, which means many couples would now struggle to get a loan for a capital city house unless they moved to a far, outer suburb and had a big deposit. Housing affordability deteriorated following the introduction of the 50 per cent capital gains tax discount in 1999, just before annual immigration levels tripled during the 2000s. 'Since about 2000, you've seen home prices relative to incomes rise at a substantial amount - it's been the fact that we have been running high levels of population growth - so immigration, so more demand for housing,' Ms Mousina said. 'We have been running high migration targets, at the same time we haven't been building enough homes across the nation. 'We do have pretty favourable investment concessions for housing, including negative gearing, capital gains tax concession.' Mr Eslake said politicians from both sides of politics wanted house prices to rise, because more voters were home owners than renters trying to get into the market. 'For all the crocodile tears the politicians shed about the difficulties facing would-be first home buyers, they know that in any given year, there's only 110,000 of them,' he said. 'Even if you assume that for everyone who succeeds, in becoming a first home buyer, there are five or six who would like to but can't - that's at most around 750,000 votes for policies that would restrain the rate at which house prices go up. 'Whereas the politicians know that at any point in time, there are at least 11million Australians who own their own home; there are 2.5million Australians who own at least one investment property. 'Even the dumbest of our politicians - as the Americans say, "Do that math" which is why at every election, politicians on both sides of the divide - while bewailing the difficulties faced by first-home buyers - promise and implement policies that make it worse because they know that a vast majority of the Australian population do not want the problem to be solved.' Sydney was the first market to become seriously unaffordable as Australia's most expensive metropolitan housing market. PropTrack estimated Sydney's median house would cost $338,000 today, or just 4.3 times the average salary now for all Australian workers, if house prices had increased at the same pace as wages during the past 45 years (pictured is an auction at Homebush in the city's west) In 1990, the typical Sydney house cost $187,500 or $447,300 now if affordability had remained constant. A decade later 2000, shortly after the introduction of the 50 per cent capital gains tax discount, a typical Sydney house cost $284,950. That would translate into $544,000 today if affordability had remained constant. This would also be the point where a single, average-income earner could still get a loan at a stretch with a 20 per cent mortgage deposit. By 2010, Sydney's median house cost $600,000 or nine times the average, full-time salary, putting a home with a backyard beyond the reach of an average-income earner buying on their own. In addition, the housing affordability crisis has worsened as Australia's population has climbed from 14.5million in 1980 to 27.3million now. During the 2000s, annual net overseas migration doubled from 111,441 at the start of the decade to 315,700 by 2008 when the mining boom was driving population growth. After Australia was closed during Covid, immigration soared to a new record high of 548,800 in 2023, leading to house prices climbing even as the Reserve Bank was putting up interest rates. When it came to the stereotype of young people wasting their money on smashed avocado breakfasts instead of saving for a house deposit, Mr Eslake had a simple answer to that. 'At the very least, a highly visible rolling of the eyeballs,' he said.

Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow
Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow

BBC News

time6 hours ago

  • BBC News

Spending Review: The Labour government must escape its own shadow

The strategising and multi-year planning going on ahead of this week's Spending Review is the bread and butter of any well-run economy.A Spending Review shows how resources are being allocated between departments and so indicates the government's "when-push-comes-to-shove" priorities. But this time it will be a "different sort of Spending Review", the chancellor's helpers are because with the new government nearly one year old, this Spending Review is also a one-off opportunity to show the private sector and international investors that it has a confident, deliverable having tiptoed cautiously throughout its first year in office, the question is whether this government can convince those potential investors that the economic vision is real? And will other long-term challenges, such as industrial energy prices, social care costs, and worker illness be prioritised or parked? 'Stop playing tiny domestic politics' Some chief executives tell me they cannot fathom why a government with such a huge majority can sometimes appear to be scared of its own shadow. There had been talk of Downing Street "wanting to have fights" over planning for major projects. But companies that have major investors waiting to invest in the factories that could start rolling out the mass adoption of green technologies are wondering whether Downing Street really will back them, given the polls, and possible net zero backlash."They need to stop playing tiny domestic politics," one boss of a major consumer company told me, as he awaits a convincing solid vision. It is with big investors in mind that the chancellor's focus at this spending review has been on long-term capital spending - that's where the big numbers come in. The proportion of the country's GDP that is being earmarked for capital spending, is 2.7% on a five-year average. If that doesn't strike you as eye-watering, it's worth noting it will be at its highest sustained level for nearly half a century. It will be significantly higher than under Brown-Darling in 2010. In 2000 this number was 0.5%.Of course, allocating significant sums is not a guarantee that the money will be spent effectively, or even at all. Spending on capital is often subject to the rollercoaster of short-term government priorities. In a crisis it tends to be the first thing to get hacked back, because the loss of future buildings or roads or rail lines is less politically troublesome than cutting back a public service or, say, teachers' pay in the here and why under the chancellor's new borrowing rules, the money can at least be allocated to big capital projects. Her reforms to those rules - keeping them strict on day-to-day spending, but consciously allowing more space for long-term investment - were designed for this. The main goal being future growth. Time to 'rewire the state' Long-term certainty over the capital sums that are being allocated over the next week or so, could be a gamechanger. Private investment is more likely to follow if there are long-term plans in place, especially after so many years of political part of all this, the chief secretary to the Treasury is also announcing increases in spending on research and development. That is designed to boost science-led the marquee project for this announcement will surely be the long-awaited high-speed rail line between Liverpool and Manchester. It is a piece of infrastructure forged in the fires of the UK's industrial heritage, including the world's first inter-city passenger line, and of course Stephenson's Rocket, the original steam locomotive. Now, 200 years on from its launch in 1829, it may well be time for another industrial revolution, of sorts. But make no mistake, the government has still had to make some big choices, even within a more generous capital budget. Most of the increase in defence spending announced last week is in the form of capital spending. When the documents are published on Wednesday, it is possible that some other capital projects will have been squeezed to make departments have also reassessed spending from first principles, as part of a "zero-based" review. In theory there could be entire projects axed. There will also be a lot of "investing to spend less". Using the capital budget to invest in, say, AI scanners in the health service, in a way that ultimately is supposed to save money. The aim, ambitiously put, is to "rewire the state" and "get Britain moving". It is with this in mind, that the chancellor will promise the government has learnt the lessons of capital spending debacles, such as HS2. She believes that by waiting, and carefully preparing an infrastructure strategy, she is making sure the spending will go where it will most boost growth. Freeing up supply, for example in the planning system, is supposed to help the rebuilding boom, but without provoking inflation. The long shadow of Covid-19 Those new borrowing rules that freed up spending on big projects, also mean tight settlements on day-to-day travails of Elon Musk and Donald Trump show the challenges for G7 countries in managing public finances. And Labour are operating in an environment where some opposition parties are now advocating more radical surgery to the size of the state in the when it comes to public spending there is still the long shadow from the pandemic. Demand for acute services and benefits related to ill health and care, or special needs, is eating far into budgets for councils, schools and health. The public seems to expect more from the state since the pandemic, even if it does not want to stump up the taxes to pay for it. So budgetary pressures have not gone away. It is, right now, difficult to square extra welfare spending on winter fuel payments and child benefit, extra defence spending, and sticking to the chancellor's rules without some further tax rises in the growth numbers, and an upturn in confidence after the series of trade deals, could help make the numbers add up, but there are any number of economic uncertainties out there there have been some strained moments in negotiations with Cabinet colleagues, all parties have already negotiated a mini-Spending Review for this that is not to say the chancellor doesn't have to perform a massive balancing act: juggling demands to keep the short-term budget numbers adding up, while unleashing the long-term investment that could finally get the economy growing again. BBC InDepth is the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.

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