logo
Harvard nemesis wants Trump's college crusade to reach every campus

Harvard nemesis wants Trump's college crusade to reach every campus

Boston Globe26-07-2025
Advertisement
The Trump administration has used federal funding as leverage to press schools to align with its priorities, from battling campus antisemitism to reassessing diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. This week, the White House finalized a $221 million agreement with Columbia that imposes new conditions tied to these issues, the first such deal with an Ivy League school. Harvard, a primary target, is fighting the administration's efforts in court even as it negotiates a possible settlement.
Get Starting Point
A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday.
Enter Email
Sign Up
Talks are underway with Cornell University, Northwestern and Brown to reinstate previously frozen funds, while institutions such as Duke and Johns Hopkins are facing mounting pressure as grant suspensions threaten to disrupt research programs and international student pipelines.
Under Rufo's proposal, schools would be subject to demands including purging their institutions of diversity initiatives or other programs focused on specific minority groups; harsh and swift disciplinary measures for student protesters; the publicization of demographic data in admissions decisions; and hiring conservative faculty.
Advertisement
The terms would be baked into universities' contracts with federal agencies for research funding — and, if taken a step further, could be incorporated into the powerful accreditation system that determines colleges' eligibility to receive federal financial aid.
'Columbia has its unique issues, Harvard has its own unique issues. But after you go through the list of the next six or seven universities, there has to be a point where there's a general, blanket policy,' said Rufo, 40. 'The particular negotiations, in that sense, are just the opening bid.'
Education Secretary Linda McMahon walked toward the West Wing of the White House, following an TV interview on Tuesday, July 15.
Manuel Balce Ceneta/Associated Press
Secretary of Education Linda McMahon appeared to endorse the proposal last week when she congratulated Rufo in a post on X and called the plan 'a compelling roadmap to restore integrity and rigor to the American academy.'
When reached for comment, an Education Department spokesperson referred Bloomberg to McMahon's post and said there was no mention of implementation plans. But Rufo said he is optimistic that the statement will turn into policy sometime in the next few months.
'This set of principles is a fairly reasonable compromise,' Rufo said. 'I think the president should just impose it as a condition.'
The efforts are already spreading piecemeal to an increasingly broad swath of higher education. On Wednesday, the Education Department announced civil rights investigations into scholarship programs at five colleges, including the University of Michigan, the University of Miami and the University of Nebraska Omaha.
A series of federal investigations at George Mason University, a regional public college in Virginia, seem aimed at forcing out president Gregory Washington over his past support for DEI initiatives — a move that successfully led to University of Virginia president Jim Ryan's resignation last month.
Advertisement
But while they've been indirectly affected by the chaos, most of the country's patchwork of 4,000 colleges and universities have escaped direct federal threats.
Robert Kelchen, a professor of educational leadership and policy at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, said the administration is clearly laying the groundwork for a more wide-ranging attack on higher education.
'I think they're trying to move in that direction, especially on things like DEI,' he said. 'It's clear the administration is using every lever they can think of.'
Rufo isn't a White House adviser or a federal employee, but he has strong influence among conservative education reformers, including many currently working for the Trump administration. He rose to prominence crusading against DEI programs and played an instrumental role in Florida Governor Ron DeSantis' education agenda in 2023.
The gates to Harvard Yard on June 5.
Heather Diehl for the Boston Globe
His profile rose higher still after he spearheaded a public campaign to oust former Harvard president Claudine Gay over plagiarism allegations — one of the initial seismic reverberations of the campaign to change higher education.
One of Rufo's main proposals is tied to accreditors, historically powerful but until recently largely uncontroversial entities that focus on ensuring educational quality and financial health. They also are responsible for determining if institutions are eligible for federal student aid.
Rufo said the White House should 'turn the screws' on accreditors and then use them as a proxy for reform.
'We want to say that every accreditor needs to have these minimum principles and enforce them at universities,' he said.
Advertisement
Trump has called accreditation his 'secret weapon,' and in April he issued an executive order calling for reform. He threatened to strip federal recognition from accreditors 'engaging in unlawful discrimination in violation of federal law.'
For Rufo, the stakes of that order are clear: Accreditors must enforce the conservative view of antidiscrimination law, including by ensuring colleges aren't engaging in DEI initiatives. Almost every accreditor has already eliminated language in their standards around diversity and inclusion, but Rufo said they should go a step further and adopt some version of the standards laid out in his proposal.
'The goal is to extend all of this basically to federal financial aid,' Kelchen said. 'The administration so far has not gone after that, maybe because it could be seen as political overreach. But they can work through the accreditors to do that.'
If that happens, Rufo said it would 'shift the whole university sector on a new course.'
'That's my goal: To change the culture of the institutions as a whole,' he said.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

What to know as Trump's immigration crackdown strips tuition breaks from thousands of students
What to know as Trump's immigration crackdown strips tuition breaks from thousands of students

Boston Globe

time4 minutes ago

  • Boston Globe

What to know as Trump's immigration crackdown strips tuition breaks from thousands of students

The tuition breaks once enjoyed wide bipartisan support but have increasingly come under criticism from Republicans in recent years. Advertisement Here's what to know about the tuition breaks: Texas' program was blocked first Texas' tuition policy was initially passed with sweeping bipartisan majorities in the Legislature and signed into law by then-Gov. Rick Perry, a Republican, as a way to open access to higher education for students without legal residency already living in the state. Supporters then and now say it boosted the state's economy by creating a better-educated and better-prepared workforce. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The law allowed students without legal resident status to qualify for in-state tuition if they had lived in Texas for three years before graduating from high school and for a year before enrolling in college. They also had to sign an affidavit promising to apply for legal resident status as soon as possible. Texas now has about 73,000 qualifying students enrolled in its public universities and colleges, according to the most recent estimate from the Presidents' Alliance on Higher Education and Immigration, a nonpartisan nonprofit group of university leaders focused on immigration policy. The latest estimate is an increase over earlier projections because of a change in its methodology for identifying qualifying students. Advertisement Texas has about 690,000 students overall at its public universities. The difference in tuition rates is substantial. For example, at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, a 34,000-student campus along the border with Mexico, a state resident will pay about $10,000 in basic tuition for a minimum full-time class schedule in the upcoming school year. A nonresident student will pay $19,000. Political pushback and a swift end Texas' law stood mostly unchallenged for years, but it came under fire as debates over illegal immigration intensified. In the 2012 Republican presidential primary, Perry apologized after saying critics of the law 'did not have a heart.' The law withstood several repeal efforts in the Republican-dominated Legislature. During the legislative session that ended June 2, a repeal bill did not even get a vote. But the ax fell quickly. After the Trump administration filed a lawsuit calling the law unconstitutional, state Attorney General Ken Paxton, a key Trump ally, chose not to defend the law in court and instead filed a motion agreeing that it should not be enforced. In Oklahoma, which the Presidents' Alliance estimates will have about 2,700 students affected, Attorney General Gentner Drummond, also a Republican, filed a similar motion. 'Rewarding foreign nationals who are in our country illegally with lower tuition costs that are not made available to out-of-state American citizens is not only wrong — it is discriminatory and unlawful," Drummond said in a statement. Advertisement Campuses nationwide feel the impact At least 21 states and the University of Michigan system have laws or policies allowing tuition breaks for the immigrant students, according to the National Immigration Law Center, which favors them. Those states include Democratic-leaning ones such as California and New York, but also GOP-leaning ones such as Kansas and Nebraska. According to the center, at least 16 states allow the immigrant students to receive scholarships or other aid to go to college. Nationwide, the Presidents' Alliance estimates more than 510,000 students without legal resident status are enrolled in colleges and universities, about 85 percent of them in undergraduate programs. Immigration lawyers and education advocates said they are assessing whether there are legal avenues to challenge the rulings.

Dean Cain, 'Superman' and Trump: What the actor turned ICE agent said about the president
Dean Cain, 'Superman' and Trump: What the actor turned ICE agent said about the president

USA Today

time4 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Dean Cain, 'Superman' and Trump: What the actor turned ICE agent said about the president

With the latest Warner Bros. 'Superman' movie in theaters, the actor who once portrayed the 'Man of Steel' in the '90s revealed he is now a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent. Dean Cain, who played the fictional hero in the TV series 'Lois & Clark: The New Adventures of Superman,' revealed the news in a Tuesday, Aug. 5 video posted across his social media platforms. 'I am a sworn law enforcement officer, as well as being a filmmaker, and I felt it was important to join with our first responders to help secure the safety of all,' Cain, 59, said. 'If you want to help save America, ICE is arresting the worst of the worst and removing them from America's streets. I like that. I voted for that.' Here's what he's previously said about President Donald Trump and the latest portrayal of 'Superman' starring David Corenswet, the most recent 'Man of Steel.' Opinion: Superman and the American flag once stood for same things. MAGA changed that. Latest 'woke' Superman Cain, whose comments come amid upped ICE scrutiny in recent months, recently criticized the direction Hollywood has taken Superman, calling its latest portrayal 'woke,' according to an interview with TMZ. The day the movie hit theaters, The White House released a photo of a fake movie poster depicting the president as Superman. 'I love President Trump. I've been friends with him forever,' Variety reported Cain said. 'Trump is actually one of the most empathetic, wonderful, generous people you'll ever meet.' During a June 10 interview on 'Piers Morgan Uncensored,' Cain called the new movie's recurring plot theme 'needs saving.' 'James Gunn and his decision to make Ma and Pa Kent the stupid rednecks. That's a choice,' Cain told Morgan. 'Superman has to be saved, like, repeatedly? Look, don't try and make it all woke and crazy. Keep that character as the way I like him as true justice and the American way.' USA TODAY has reached out to representatives for Cain and ICE for comment. Contributing: USA TODAY's Edward Segarra and Brian Truitt Natalie Neysa Alund is a senior reporter for USA TODAY. Reach her at nalund@ and follow her on X @nataliealund.

Trump Just Did What Not Even Nixon Dared
Trump Just Did What Not Even Nixon Dared

Atlantic

time4 minutes ago

  • Atlantic

Trump Just Did What Not Even Nixon Dared

'Is it Goldstein again?' Richard Nixon demanded. In July of 1971, the president was infuriated that an unnamed official at the Bureau of Labor Statistics had seemed to downplay the administration's progress on reducing unemployment while briefing reporters. His suspicions fell on Harold Goldstein, the longtime civil servant and BLS official in charge of the jobs numbers, who had attracted his ire for other comments earlier in the year. Nixon ordered his political counselor, Charles Colson, to investigate. If it had been Goldstein, he said, 'he's got to be fired.' When three hours elapsed without Colson reporting back, the president called Colson twice within the span of two minutes, insisting that Goldstein had to be guilty. 'Give Goldstein, the goddamn kike, a polygraph!' he yelled into the phone. By the next morning, Nixon's animus toward Goldstein had hardened into the conviction that the inconvenient numbers from the BLS reflected a problem much larger than one civil servant. He asked his chief of staff, Bob Haldeman, to conduct a review. 'I want a look at any sensitive areas around where Jews are involved, Bob,' he said. 'See, the Jews are all through the government, and we have got to get in those areas. We've got to get a man in charge who is not Jewish to control the Jewish. Do you understand?' Haldeman affirmed that he did. 'The government is full of Jews,' Nixon continued. 'Second, most Jews are disloyal.' What had started as a fit of pique over jobs numbers was swiftly metastasizing into an extraordinary abuse of presidential power. Students and survivors of the Nixon era can be excused for feeling a little déjà vu when they heard the news at the end of last week that President Donald Trump had fired Erika McEntarfer, the BLS commissioner. Trump claimed that the bureau's latest jobs report was 'a scam' that was 'RIGGED in order to make the Republicans, and ME, look bad.' As the first federal director of the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, I quickly thought of the summer of 1971. James Surowiecki: What's holding Trump back from firing Powell For most of its history, the BLS has been as professionally obscure as it has been essential. The bureau's economists produce the respected and strictly nonpartisan numbers that the White House, Congress, investors, and American workers rely on to know how the enormous and complex U.S. economy is doing—and how likely their next wage increase, job opportunity, or pink slip might be. For presidents to be unhappy with the numbers they get from the BLS is commonplace. But it's not normal for them to take their disappointment or rage out on the economists who compile them. In the summer of 1971, Nixon was in the grip of dark conspiratorial thinking. He had been looking forward to positive press from his daughter Tricia's June White House wedding. Instead, The New York Times published the Pentagon Papers—a classified multivolume compendium of national-security materials pulled together for Lyndon B. Johnson's secretary of defense Robert McNamara to explain why the United States had gotten into the quagmire of Vietnam. When the former Johnson-era national-security analyst Daniel Ellsberg announced that he was the papers' leaker, Nixon became convinced that his administration was under assault from smart, well-connected enemies of his Vietnam strategy. So when the BLS official told reporters that a drop in the unemployment rate from 6.2 to 5.6 percent was 'a statistical fluke,' Nixon became convinced that Jews within the government were out to sabotage his administration. Haldeman, although himself an anti-Semite, worried that Nixon's rage could cause chaos across the government. He decided to try to satisfy the president by focusing only on the BLS. He asked a White House staffer named Frederic Malek to determine how many Jews were in the BLS, and to recommend what to do with them. Knowing that White House documents should not reflect what this investigation was really about, Malek and his assistant used the code word ethnics in their memos as they counted Jews. In February, during Nixon's earlier bout of rage, Malek had determined that Goldstein had not acted in a partisan manner. But now, instead of questioning his partisan loyalties, Nixon fixated instead on his faith. The president didn't get all that he wanted. Although Labor Secretary James Hodgson refused to subject Goldstein to a polygraph test, Nixon didn't fire Hodgson for his defiance. He also didn't immediately force out the head of the BLS, Geoffrey Moore, who worked for Hodgson. When Malek found that there were 19 'ethnics' among the 52 top officials working at the BLS, Nixon respected the civil-service protections that shielded most of them, including Goldstein, from dismissal. Instead, he had a supervisor placed above Goldstein and removed some of his responsibilities. Peter Henle, another Jewish economist in the bureau, was transferred out. After winning reelection in 1972, Nixon required resignations from all of his political appointees. Nixon ignored most of them, but he accepted Moore's, and the BLS commissioner left a few months shy of the end of his four-year term in 1973. Moore—who wasn't even Jewish—was the only person to lose his job because of Nixon's anti-Semitic paranoia. Nixon's motives were worse than Trump's. But in most other respects, the events of the past week provide a vivid illustration of how much more dangerous attempts to abuse presidential authority have become. Unlike Trump, who lashed out publicly against McEntarfer, Nixon was afraid to own his bad behavior. He did not force out his BLS commissioner in 1971, instead waiting for the chance to accept his resignation two years later. Not wanting his hands to be dirty—as defined by the presidential norms of his era—Nixon constrained himself to abuse power only indirectly. He had no desire to risk public disapproval by firing bureaucrats for specious and explosive reasons. David Frum: Sorry, Richard Nixon Moreover, the Haldeman system for running the White House that Nixon first authorized and then tolerated sought to control an impulsive president, not fully empower him. Nixon lacked perfect instruments to carry out his desires; his environment wasn't greased for enabling. Although he was clear that he wanted to fire a large number of government workers because of their religious background, he proved unwilling or unable to follow through. Trump exhibits no such constraints. The loyal voters who give him his grip on Congress don't seem to care what norms he violates. Neither Trump's Cabinet members nor his White House staff are willing to serve as a check on presidential bad behavior. And so last week, Trump did what not even Nixon had dared, becoming the first president ever to fire his BLS commissioner.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store