
Balancing Speed And Security: DevOps And Test Automation In The Cloud
Harini Shankar is a technology leader with expertise in quality assurance, test automation, security, devops and cloud-native engineering.
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DevOps has become a foundation of today's fast-paced software development as organizations continue to scale their cloud native applications. But it's becoming challenging to maintain both speed and security. Teams are forced to deliver at a fast pace, but adhering to security and compliance requirements can lead to bottlenecks that slow down the releases.
Organizations need to understand that there's a workaround for this. When security and automation are embedded into DevOps workflows and pipelines, organizations can accelerate their releases without compromising cybersecurity. In this article, I cover best practices based on my experience helping DevOps teams balance speed and security while implementing robust and efficient test automation within cloud environments.
One of the major mistakes that organizations make is not prioritizing security—it's considered a final checkpoint rather than a proactive part of the process. This mindset often manifests in last-minute security vulnerabilities, forcing developers to go back and spend additional time and effort fixing vulnerabilities that should have been caught earlier.
• Incorporate static code analysis (SAST) and automate it to detect vulnerabilities in source code before deployment.
• Add automated unit tests and security scans into CI/CD pipelines.
• Use test-driven security (TDS) to deny security test cases before actual coding begins.
Deployment cycles and releases can be interrupted when manual security testing methods are implemented. When security tests are automated along with functional tests, DevOps teams can maintain velocity without compromising security compliance.
• Detect vulnerabilities in running applications with dynamic application security testing (DAST).
• Automate infrastructure-as-code (IaC) scanning to help prevent misconfigurations in the cloud.
• Implement software composition analysis (SCA) to identify vulnerabilities in open-source dependencies.
Security gates can prevent vulnerable builds from progressing, but you'll need to configure them properly so they don't cause delays. Security gates must be designed to balance enforcement with flexibility.
• Compliance checks can be automated by defining security policies using tools like Open Policy Agent or Sentinel.
• Implement workflows that have automated approvals to prevent deployment delays. Allow minor issues to be flagged for later review without slowing deployment.
• Continuously monitor and adjust security metrics as needed.
Just focusing on pre-deployment testing isn't sufficient. Organizations need to pay attention to security and functional validation after releases. Continuous monitoring is critical to detect real-world security threats and performance issues.
• Employ real-time logging and monitoring in cloud environments to track security events.
• Leverage automated canary deployments to validate security patches without the need for a full-scale application rollout.
• Use security tools, such as Datadog, to identify anomalies and any policy violations.
Applications are becoming more distributed. As a result, APIs and microservices are becoming primary targets for security threats. Security models developed for monolithic applications aren't able to keep up with the complexity of microservice architecture and may fail to provide enough protection.
• Use methods such as contract testing to help ensure that API changes don't introduce vulnerabilities.
• Implement automated penetration testing for APIs, such as Postman or Burp Suite.
• Enforce stricter authentication and authorization with OAuth 2.0 and API gateways.
Organizations that treat security as a proactive approach and not as an afterthought are more likely to succeed. But it must be a seamless part of the DevOps process. When organizations embrace continuous test automation, security scanning and compliance, teams can achieve both speed and security in cloud environments.
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Over the past decade, several bills have been introduced to tax international remittances, but the current measure has advanced the furthest. The United States is also not alone in considering — or implementing — a remittance tax. This kind of measure has been considered in Middle Eastern countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain (see Dilip Ratha, Supriyo De, and Kirsten Scheuttler, 'Why Taxing Remittances Is a Bad Idea,' World Bank People Move blog, Mar. 24, 2017). But remittance taxes historically have had little lasting power, raising questions about their short- and long-term feasibility. However, the sheer size of global remittances, coupled with the fact that legislators do occasionally consider taxing them, indicates there's a need for more research on remittance inflows and outflows and the benefits and drawbacks of these taxes. The budget bill seeks to implement a 3.5 percent excise tax on personal remittance transfers sent by non-U.S. individuals. 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That proposal applied to all remittances, regardless of the sender's U.S. citizenship or national status. In 2015 a proposed bill (S. 79) sought to apply a 7 percent fine on international remittance transfers sent by individuals who could not confirm their legal status within the United States. That measure also required remittance transfer providers to verify the sender's status, and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau would be responsible for enforcing the measure. The bill generated some questions about how much revenue the federal government might raise. The bill's sponsor, then-Sen. David Vitter, asked the Government Accountability Office to investigate how the bill might affect both remitters and remittance transfer providers and forecast any potential revenue. In a 2016 report, the GAO conducted a scenario analysis and found that net revenue from a remittance fine could vary significantly, ranging from $10 million to $1.29 billion (see GAO, 'International Remittances Actions Needed to Address Unreliable Official U.S. Estimate,' Feb. 2016). The agency said the yield would rely on factors like 'the dollar amount of remittances sent by those without legal immigration status, changes in remitter behavior because of the fine, including a potential reduction in remittances through regulated providers, and the cost of enforcement.' Chiefly, the fine could drive senders from regulated markets to black markets or induce them to rely on relatives and friends who have legal status to send money on their behalf. As for enforcement costs, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau flagged that costs would include things like developing rules, examining providers, and coordinating enforcement actions with other federal agencies. Remittance transfer providers also told the GAO they were concerned about negative impacts on their businesses and negative impacts to smaller providers. Some of that concern was based on outcomes from Oklahoma's remittance tax. In 2009 Oklahoma became the first U.S. state to enact a fee on remittance transfers out of the state. Under Oklahoma's law, a $5 fee applies to the first $500, and any subsequent amount is taxed at a 1 percent fee (63 Okla. Stat. section 2-503.1j). The law applies to every transaction that meets the monetary threshold. However, individuals who have a valid SSN or taxpayer identification number are allowed to claim an income tax credit that equals the amount of the remittance fee paid. For its 2016 report, the GAO interviewed some remittance transfer providers who did business in Oklahoma. Those providers generally said that transaction activity and revenues had dropped in the wake of the law. One provider told the GAO that business had shifted to out-of-state transfer providers and informal channels. However, a state audit official told the GAO that the state's revenues from the fee had increased. Oklahoma's annual revenue and apportionment reports contain data about the transmitter fee, and it is true that the fee's revenues have significantly increased over time. According to the 2010 report, the fee generated about $5.7 million in revenue that year. By 2018 that number jumped to nearly $13.2 million and has hovered around that level over the past few years, with some declines during the COVID-19 pandemic (see 'Oklahoma Tax Commission Annual Report,' June 30, 2018). As for the federal proposal before the Senate, the remittance industry is unenthusiastic, and several trade associations have issued letters and statements asking lawmakers to remove it. The American Fintech Council, a trade association of fintech companies and innovative banks, is one of them. CEO Phil Goldfeder said in a May 27 release: 'This tax would put pressure on grocers, pharmacies, and other small businesses that provide remittance services, threatening to raise costs for consumers well beyond those who send money abroad. Rather than imposing new burdens, Congress should work with responsible financial innovators, regulators, and consumer advocates to modernize payment systems in ways that are fair, efficient, and inclusive.' The American Fintech Council is concerned that the remittance tax could drive consumers into black markets, citing as examples the 2016 GAO report and Oklahoma's experience. The statement doesn't mention digital currency, but it's not a stretch to imagine that the remittance proposal could push remitters to use virtual assets as a workaround. That could create unwanted ripple effects for governments trying to discourage the use of money transfer back channels. The organization is also worried about regulatory overload, particularly because states across the country are standardizing their remittance regulations. In 2021 the Conference of State Bank Supervisors — a national association of state banking regulators — published the Money Transmission Modernization Act, which offers a streamlined set of standards. According to the association, 30 states have adopted the law either in whole or in part. The American Fintech Council, which supports the model law, thinks the federal government should let state-level regulators handle this domain. 'Layering federal taxes on top of state regulations would raise compliance costs for remittance providers, leading to higher fees for consumers or fewer options in the market,' the release added. The organization also signed onto a joint letter sent by seven trade associations to Senate Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, and ranking member Ron Wyden, D-Ore. In that letter, the group highlighted several concerns about the proposal, including concerns about privacy and operational complexity. The organizations worry that the remittance tax will require providers to collect significant amounts of personal data on a large volume of transactions. Although the legislation does not describe how providers should verify a sender's U.S. status, the organizations say in the letter that 'it appears inevitable that it would require the collection and verification of sensitive personal information such as Passport or social security number — which presents a very serious privacy concern.' On the operational side, the organizations are concerned that the volume of information to be collected will overwhelm remittance providers. The measure does not mention anything about a minimum value threshold for remittance amounts, which means transfer providers would have to keep track of everything. In 2017 a strongly worded World Bank blog post offered nine reasons why governments should avoid taxing remittances. At the time of publication, a small handful of governments, including Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia, were considering these measures. The post, 'Why Taxing Remittances Is a Bad Idea,' said the effort may not be worth the cost. Citing the 2016 GAO report along with IMF estimates, the blog post said the resulting revenue would likely account for a meager portion of GDP. For example, the IMF estimated that a 5 percent remittance tax in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE would have raised about $4 billion among the six countries in 2015 (see 'Diversifying Government Revenue in the GCC: Next Steps,' IMF (Oct. 26, 2016)). In the United States, a 7 percent remittance tax would likely raise less than $1 billion (as noted above). The blog post pointed out that some countries that implemented remittance taxes — whether on outward or inward remittance flows — later removed them. They included Vietnam, Tajikistan, Gabon, and Palau. But a few countries have found ways to maintain some level of taxation. The Philippines applies a document stamp tax on remittances but exempts remittances made by Filipino individuals residing overseas, provided they can show proper documentation of their Philippine status. While the blog post discouraged remittance taxes, it called for a systematic study on the feasibility of these taxes and their implications, given that literature at the time did not seriously discuss them. Several years later, there is still a lack of literature on the taxation of remittances, and it appears it's time for more research. Given that the U.S. GAO report is nearly a decade old, and given that remittance tax proposals continue to appear, new U.S. research into this topic may be warranted. That research could be bolstered by examples from other countries. Ecuador notably implements a tax on international remittances. (Prior analysis: Tax Notes Int'l, May 18, 2020, p. 803.) Money sent outside the country is subject to a 5 percent fee, and banks are required to withhold the fee. However, taxpayers are allowed to deduct the fee from their local income taxes. India applies a withholding tax to some overseas remittances. Under the country's Liberalized Remittance Scheme, individuals can send up to $250,000 abroad annually. The withholding tax, whose rate varies from 0.5 to 20 percent based on the kind of remittance, generally kicks in after remittances exceed INR 10 lakh (about $11,600), and individuals can claim the withheld tax as a refund. Bahrain does not have a remittance transfer tax, but it has seriously considered one. In January 2024 the lower house of Bahrain's National Assembly approved a 2 percent tax on remittances sent overseas, but it failed in the upper house. But the measure reappeared this year. In January Bahrain's lower house again approved a 2 percent tax on remittances sent overseas, and again the upper house rejected it, according to local reports. Some lawmakers reportedly were concerned that the fee could lead to an increase in money laundering, an issue that has yet to be explored in the United States (see 'Bahrain: 2% Tax on Remittances Is Rejected,' Gulf Daily News (Mar. 4, 2025)).


The Verge
33 minutes ago
- The Verge
The Trump Mobile T1 Phone looks both bad and impossible
Here is a roughly complete list of all the things we know for sure about the first phone made for the new Trump Mobile wireless provider: it's called the T1 Phone 8002 (gold version). It costs $499, and you can reserve one now with a $100 down payment. It is, according to the website, coming in September. That's about all I feel confident saying. Beyond that, all we have is a website that was clearly put together quickly and somewhat sloppily, a promise that the phone is 'designed and built in the USA' that I absolutely do not believe, a picture that appears to be nearly 100 percent Photoshopped, and a list of specs that don't make a lot of sense together. The existence of a 'gold version' of the phone implies a not-gold version, but the Trump Mobile website doesn't say anything more about that. Here are the salient specs, according to the site: 6.78-inch AMOLED display, with a punch hole for the camera 120Hz refresh rate Three cameras on the back, including a 50MP camera, a 2MP depth sensor, and a 2MP macro lens 16MP selfie camera a 5,000mAh battery (the Trump Mobile website actually says '5000mAh long life camera,' so I'm just assuming here) 256GB of storage 12GB of RAM (the site also calls this 'storage,' which, sure) Fingerprint sensor in the screen and face unlock USB-C Headphone jack Android 15 There's no processor listed, even though there's a section for it on the site — and processors are pretty important! Even without that, as far as I can tell, there's not a single phone currently on the market that matches these specs. (If you find one, tell me about it!) Some of them are fairly standard in the non-premium Android world: you can find phones from Asus and other brands with 6.78-inch screens matching the T1's description, for instance, and 256GB of storage and a 5,000mAh battery are both relatively common. The combination of the spec list and the image bears no resemblance to any phone I could find on the market. Ignoring the obviously and poorly Photoshopped picture, though, you can at least begin to get closer to a phone that might be like the T1. The Samsung Galaxy S23 Ultra is probably the best-case scenario: similar screen, same storage and RAM, same battery size, runs Android 15 now. There's also the Asus ROG Phone 9, which has all those specs and a 50MP main camera. The basic set of internals isn't hard to come by, really — you can buy a phone with much more impressive ones for hardly any money with just one Alibaba search. Where things get especially strange, though, is its supposed combination of Android 15, 5G, and a 3.5mm headphone jack. In many ways, these are opposing specs: Android 15 is generally only available on very recent devices, many cheap phones still don't support 5G, and almost every phone maker has stopped including headphone jacks with their devices in the last few years . There are a few that have both, but modern phones with a headphone jack are few and far between. And pretty much all made in China. Frankly, it's the whole 'made in the USA' bit that is the most unlikely thing about the T1. Trump certainly believes that iPhones, as well as other smartphones, could be made in the US, but as Apple CEO Tim Cook and many others have said, there's virtually no evidence that's the case. Even smartphone makers based in the US, even the ones making cheaper smartphones, aren't making their phones in America. All that aside though, there are still a thousand things we don't know about the T1. Starting with, what does it actually look like? Will it be waterproof or durable in any way? Why are the corners of the case so off-color? Why are the three rear cameras so weirdly spaced apart? Why does the top of the phone in the render look more like an iPhone than an Android device? Is it actually going to come with a Trump Mobile background, and will people be able to change it? What kind of heinous bloatware / spyware / crypto scams are going to come built into this thing? If this is the T1 model 8002, what happened to the first 8,001 tries? If it's coming in September, does that mean Trump is going to try and upstage this year's iPhone announcement in some way? Why would anyone pay for this thing, just for the privilege of spending too much money on repackaged T-Mobile service? It seems utterly unfathomable that you could build a phone with this set of specs, at this price, to be delivered in September. Either Trump Mobile has done something truly remarkable here (and I'd bet you a T1 Phone 8002 that it hasn't), or the phone it ends up shipping will not be the one buyers are expecting. Like we always say here at The Verge, it's vaporware until it ships. And the Trump Mobile T1 Phone 8002 is as vapor-y as it gets.