
Ontario's new home rebates program falls short for solar panels in rural areas, says installer
A solar panel installer in northeastern Ontario says the province's new Home Renovation Savings Program falls short for people who live in rural and remote areas.
Helmut Boettcher owns a company called Renewable Energy Solutions based in Thessalon, east of Sault Ste. Marie.
He installs solar panel and battery storage systems, and says the vast majority of his customers are not connected to the provincial grid.
But government rebates of up to $10,000 for solar panels and battery storage from the Home Renovation Savings Program don't apply to homes that are off the grid.
"If you're running a fly-in camp up in northern Ontario and you want to upgrade your solar in order to reduce generator time, you are not eligible for that grant," Boettcher said.
He said that even $5,000 can go a long way with solar panels today, and would be enough to purchase a 15-kilowatt system, which could power an average off-grid home most of the year, with only minimal need for a generator.
Boettcher said ground-mounted solar panels are also ineligible for the new grants, and only rooftop panels are accepted.
"I understand if you're living in Toronto and you've got a postage stamp lot, you cannot build a ground panel system," he said.
"But if you're up here in northeastern Ontario and have got a little bit of room, a ground mount is much better."
Boettcher said most of his customers opt for ground-mounted panels because they have the space for them, and they can fit more panels on their property that way.
In an email to CBC News, Ontario's Ministry of Energy said the Home Renovation Savings Program's goal is to reduce demand on the province's electricity grid.
"As off-grid homes are not connected to the electricity distribution system, demand savings cannot be achieved through their participation in this program," the email said.
The ministry said there are other programs that do provide rebates for off-grid solar panels such as the Independent Electricity System Operator's Remote First Nations Energy-Efficiency Program. It provides funding support to remote First Nations communities to implement energy-efficiency projects.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Winnipeg Free Press
2 days ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Feasibility without First Nations isn't feasible
Opinion Earlier this month, the governments of Ontario, Alberta and Saskatchewan signed an agreement to explore the 'feasibility of a new west-east pipeline to bring western oil and gas to southern Ontario refineries and ports.' In a news release, Alberta premier Danielle Smith said: 'By advancing a Canadian energy corridor from Alberta to Ontario, we are securing long-term energy access for families and businesses, creating thousands of jobs, and opening new doors for trade and investment, while strengthening our position as a global energy leader.' There's only one problem, and it's a big one: Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew didn't sign it. So much for feasibility. Since the federal government's passing of the One Canadian Economy Act (Bill C-5), which promises to expedite approvals for projects deemed 'in the national interest,' provinces have been rushing to position themselves with Prime Minister Mark Carney's cabinet in the hopes their regional initiatives and economic dreams will come true. Ontario has even passed its own version of the federal bill, in what is surely a move to speed up approval for the Ring of Fire critical mineral project despite Indigenous opposition. The challenge for all of this — if you can call it a challenge — has been Canada's legal requirement under Section 35 of the Constitution to attain 'free, prior, and informed consent' when it comes to including and respecting Indigenous and treaty rights. Simply put, few provinces have partnership agreements with First Nations to build economic projects and, for those that do, these were made after lengthy and costly court battles, negotiations, and conflict. The federal bill, Ontario's bill and the 'feasibility' agreement between Alberta, Saskatchewan and Ontario has no First Nations, Métis or Inuit approval. In other words, they are not worth much and are simply a cause for conflict. To be honest, development occurred much quicker when Canada was genocidal. Until the past five decades, Canada never had a legal duty to consult Indigenous peoples on the land, water, the economy, or frankly anything really — so, it didn't. Since the country's founding in 1867 (and arguably before that), Canadian legislators took Indigenous and treaty land, moved people whenever and wherever, and made unilateral decisions on Indigenous lives and families all the time. When law got in the way, other laws were passed under the justification that Canada's national interests were paramount. This meant that swaths of Indian reserve lands were taken whenever a company, corporation, or the military wanted. Or, that masses of Indigenous leaders were imprisoned, Indigenous women were stripped of rights, and children were taken. All this happened blatantly. A few kilometres from where Winnipeggers sit was the St. Peter's Indian Band, whose lands in and around Selkirk were taken illegally in 1907 while the community was removed to what is now Peguis Indian Reserve. The tide started to change in the 1970s, when Canada's Supreme Court recognized that Indigenous title (and therefore law, government, and rights) existed and Canada had to start to act justly, humanely, and with consideration of their humanity. Things were supposed to be different — but old Canadian habits die hard. From the One Canadian Economy Act to the actions of provincial premiers, Canadian leaders continue to act as if Indigenous peoples are an afterthought, using age-old arguments that Canada's 'national interests' are paramount. That is, until Kinew — who has not shied away from interest in lucrative land and resource projects — refused to join his provincial counterparts. 'In other parts of the country with other levels of government, there's the commitment to maybe push things through with legislation first,' Kinew told media, explaining his decision. 'That puts other partners on the back foot.' Don't be confused. When Kinew says 'other partners,' he means First Nations, Inuit, and Métis rights holders. What the premier is doing isn't because he's First Nations, it's because he's trying to follow Canadian law. History has proven it's a tremendous waste of time, money, and energy to exclude Indigenous rights holders from conversations surrounding land, resources, and, frankly, the country. The first and most important 'project in the national interest' is to include Indigenous governments at the outset of every single decision this country makes. Anything else is illegal. An unprecedented step however requires an unprecedented idea. For Kinew, it's a Crown corporation (on par with entities such Manitoba Hydro and Manitoba Public Insurance) that can assemble Indigenous leadership to review and give approval of economic land and resource projects alongside provincial regulators. This 'Crown Indigenous corporation' would require buy-in and unity from Indigenous leadership — and seems to have almost immediately gained it. This week, the Southern Chiefs' Organization and the Manitoba Métis Federation came to an agreement to collectively 'advance economic reconciliation, protect Indigenous rights, and collaborate on major infrastructure and development projects across Manitoba.' That's no coincidence. That's First Nations and Métis holders on the front foot and reserving their spot at the table. Niigaan SinclairColumnist Niigaan Sinclair is Anishinaabe and is a columnist at the Winnipeg Free Press. Read full biography Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber. Our newsroom depends on its audience of readers to power our journalism. Thank you for your support.


Calgary Herald
2 days ago
- Calgary Herald
Alberta Indigenous loan agency pushes back against report it would help finance joint bid for MEG Energy
MEG Energy's Christina Lake oilsands facility near Fort McMurray. MEG launched a sales process in June to review its options and invite competing bids after rejecting Strathcona's unsolicited offer in May. Photo by MEG Energy Alberta's provincial Indigenous loan agency says it 'is not in the business of participating in mergers and acquisitions,' pushing back on a report that it could help finance Indigenous groups said to be in talks with oilsands major Cenovus Energy Inc. on a joint takeover offer of MEG Energy Corp. THIS CONTENT IS RESERVED FOR SUBSCRIBERS ONLY Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Calgary Herald ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. SUBSCRIBE TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Calgary Herald ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account. Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments. Enjoy additional articles per month. Get email updates from your favourite authors. THIS ARTICLE IS FREE TO READ REGISTER TO UNLOCK. Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments Enjoy additional articles per month Get email updates from your favourite authors A Bloomberg story earlier this week said the Alberta Indigenous Opportunities Corp. (AIOC) and its federal counterpart could provide financial backing for a group of First Nations and Métis communities in a potential joint bid with Cenovus to buy MEG as early as September. But on Thursday, AIOC appeared to dismiss the idea, without flatly denying the report, after concerns were raised by the chair of Strathcona Resources Ltd. — whose hostile bid for MEG in May first put the oilsands producer in play — about the fairness of the government backing one bidder in an active, competitive M&A process. Your weekday lunchtime roundup of curated links, news highlights, analysis and features. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. Please try again 'Alberta Indigenous Opportunities Corp.'s mandate is to backstop Indigenous communities' investments in high-quality assets that will produce income streams for generations,' the AIOC said in a statement. 'AIOC carefully examines the nature of a deal to ensure that there is minimal business risk before backstopping any deal.' A request for comment from the federal agency in charge of Ottawa's Indigenous loan guarantee program was not returned before publication. The news that a rival takeover bid for MEG from Cenovus, first reported in the Financial Post, could potentially include financial backing from provincial and federal agencies for Indigenous partners seeking to join the deal sent MEG's stock higher on Tuesday and drew criticism from Strathcona chair Adam Waterous, who said government financing would amount to a 'direct subsidy' for Cenovus' bid. 'As I said when the report first came out, we would be highly surprised if there was any truth to it,' he said in a statement responding to AIOC's remarks. 'Both AIOC and Cenovus are sophisticated and ethical organizations, and they would know that governments cannot use taxpayer money to pick winners to subsidize on a one-off basis in the middle of the competitive sale process.' Concerns were also raised that AIOC chief executive Chana Martineau serves on the board of Cenovus Energy, while vice-chair Gary Bosgoed sits on MEG's board. 'AIOC operates with the highest ethical and professional standards,' the AIOC said in a statement about its governance protocols. 'The board of directors and our employees operate under a strict code of conduct that governs their actions and behaviours.'

2 days ago
Sanctioned but standing: Russians see their prices rise as Trump and Putin head to Alaska
Despite three and half years of grinding international sanctions due to the Ukraine war, Russian grocery store shelves remain full, and there's little evidence people are going without their creature comforts. However, as Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin prepare for their summit in Alaska on Friday, a tipping point may have finally arrived for the Russian people, left physically and economically separated from the West. Moscow's heavy war-related spending has led to higher salaries and increased consumer spending. But it's also caused higher inflation, which is now cutting deeply into economic growth, says Alexander Kolyandr, a senior researcher for the Center for European Policy Analysis in London. The situation is reflected in the attitudes of many people with whom CBC News spoke. Russian authorities have prohibited CBC from directly reporting in the country. Instead, a freelance journalist in Moscow sounded people out about their feelings on the war, its impact on their daily lives and the potential of the Trump-Putin summit in Alaska. Prices are constantly going up, especially food and utilities, said Anton, 40, who lives with his wife and young daughter in Korolyov, a Moscow commuter town. Kids' clothes like T-shirts that were super cheap are now sold at crazy prices in stores, with the same [bad] quality. Speaking publicly about Ukraine can trigger visits from Russian police, so CBC News is withholding the surnames of the people interviewed. Enlarge image (new window) A view of cooked food on a counter in a supermarket in Moscow in June 2024. Photo: Reuters / Maxim Shemetov 'You can't do it forever' Year over year, inflation now stands at almost nine per cent. Food inflation is even higher. We see the slowing of the economy everywhere, said Kolyandr, who until Russia's invasion was an analyst with Credite Swisse in Moscow. Russian statistics (new window) show that consumer spending steadily increased throughout 2024 but has fallen back sharply in 2025, a potential indicator of a stagnating economy, he said. Friday's meeting between the two leaders marks a critical point in diplomacy to end the combat on the battlefield, just as Russia's economy appears to be starting to sputter. Food costs more; manufactured goods, too, said Alexey, a 66-year-old pensioner who works part time as a security guard at a grocery store in Russia's capital. However, many people told CBC News that their lifestyles have remained generally the same — for now. We still buy what we need, but when something gets really expensive we make choices, like skipping buying a coat or a jacket, Alexey said. You feel it [the price increases], said Irina, a 31-year-old Moscow TV producer. But not to the point where I completely stopped buying things for myself. Military spending, signing bonuses Ever since Russian tanks crossed into Ukraine in 2022, there have been predictions that Putin's invasion would inordinately strain Russian consumers and businesses, potentially leading to the economic collapse of the country of 146 million people. But as time went on, those projections took on a boy who cried wolf feeling to them. Instead, government spending on Russia's military has until now fuelled an economic boom that's actually made many Russians far richer than they were pre-war. In the latest Russian budget (new window) , expenditures on the military and security accounted for 19 per cent of all government spending. Alexander Kolyandr is a senior researcher for the Center for European Policy Analysis in London. He is a former analyst with Credit Swisse in Moscow who left the country following Putin's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Photo: CBC / Lyzaville Sale The Russian government was very good at boosting economic growth for two years while sweeping all the problems under the carpet or leaving them for the future, said Kolyandr. However, he adds, "it's like running on amphetamines — you can't do it forever." Enlarge image (new window) Putin chairs a meeting on economic issues in Moscow on Aug. 12. Photo: Reuters / Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Sputnik Still, even as prices rise — and war casualties mount — the Kremlin has put in place highly effective measures to insulate itself against any kind of popular backlash. Among them are lucrative signing and death bonuses to Russian soldiers and their families. Novaya Gazeta reports (new window) that if soldiers manage to survive their first year, they could earn up to seven million rubles, or about over $100,000 Cdn, including signing bonuses and salaries. It's a life-changing amount of money for soldiers' families, says Kolyandr, in a country where typical earnings are $18,000 Cdn a year (new window) . Enlarge image (new window) A car burns following what local authorities called a Ukrainian drone attack in the course of Russia-Ukraine conflict in Belgorod, Russia, on Aug. 14, in this still image taken from video. Photo: Reuters / Vyacheslav Gladkov/Telegram The lucrative payouts — along with persecuting dissenters — help explain the muted public opposition to the war, in spite of immense battlefield losses. Britain's Ministry of Defence estimates (new window) more than a million Russians have been killed or wounded since February 2022, while Ukraine's total casualties may be in excess of 400,000. Kremlin narratives Among the Muscovites who spoke about the war to our CBC freelance producer, several deferred to Kremlin narratives, which cast Western countries as the aggressor and Russia as fighting a defensive war of survival. I don't think freezing the conflict is actually good, because if they freeze it, [Ukrainian] missiles will still be hitting our territory, said Alexey, the 66-year-old pensioner. Others expressed low expectations that Putin and Trump would agree on a ceasefire anytime soon. If they stop shooting and agree on a freeze, that's already good — people will stop dying, said Anton, from Korolyov. But the economy probably won't get better. Even if they stop the troops, sanctions will likely stay. Enlarge image (new window) A poster in Yaroslavl's main train stations warns travellers about helping Ukrainians. One caption says, 'ATTENTION! DON'T LET THEM FOOL YOURSELF. DON'T BE A TRAITOR.' Another warns people they could get 20 years in jail if they help anyone sabotage national infrastructure, such as Russian railways. Photo: CBC Russia has passed laws imposing jail terms for spreading what it considers fake news about the Ukraine war on social media platforms. Nonetheless, on VK, one of Russia's largest social media platforms, some comments were notable for their negativity toward the war. Putin doesn't need peace. He's obsessed with control, and the war in Ukraine is one of his levers. And he's absolutely indifferent to the casualties, said one user named Dmitry, (new window) who was scolded by other user for his apparent criticism of Russia's leader. In another exchange, a user named Masha said, If Putin agrees to NATO conditions that's a loss, to which another user suggested that the special military operation — as the Kremlin calls its Ukraine invasion — has been a loss since the very beginning. Enlarge image (new window) A priest conducts a service during the funeral for Alexander Martemyanov, the Russian media outlet Izvestia's freelance correspondent killed in a drone strike on a highway while travelling by car from Horlivka to Donetsk, in January 2025. Photo: Reuters / Alexander Ermochenko Trump's tactics Kolyandr, the CEPA economist, says he believes it's unlikely there is any economic lever that Trump could pull to ultimately force Russia to alter its battlefield strategy or pull back against Ukraine. Russian forces currently control roughly 20 per cent of the country, including the Crimean peninsula, which Russia has officially annexed. Earlier in August, Trump imposed a 25 per cent penalty on India, in addition to a 25 per cent tariff for buying oil and weapons from Russia. Notably however, Trump has not targeted Russia's biggest energy customer, China. If he did, Kolyandr says he believes it would be very difficult for Russia's economy to survive the shock. "Trump said that if he imposes [secondary] sanctions, the price of Russian oil will drop by $10 [US]. And that would, in his view, derail the Russian economy. If my calculation is correct, that would deprive Russia of something like three-quarters of its GDP per year, which is a lot." Of late, Russians far from Ukraine's borders have been increasingly feeling the impact of the war in other ways. Ukrainian drones now fly over major Russian airports in cities such as Moscow almost daily, causing flight cancellations and delays. Others have been hitting Russian energy infrastructure, especially oil refineries. Ukraine has also been attacking Russia's mobile phone and internet infrastructure, often leading to widespread disruptions. All that trickles down and annoys people, says Kolyandr. But not to the point that they are ready to swap what they see as a victorious and existential war with the West for some creature comforts at home — at least not yet. Chris Brown (new window) · CBC News · Foreign correspondent Chris Brown is a foreign correspondent based in the CBC's London bureau. Previously in Moscow, Chris has a passion for great stories and has travelled all over Canada and the world to find them.