
Nobel-winning Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa dies at 89
Peruvian novelist and Nobel literature laureate Mario Vargas Llosa, a former leftist writer who turned to more conservative causes and once ran for president in Peru, has died. He was 89.
The big picture: Vargas Llosa is the last major surviving member of Latin America's 20th Century literary Boom generation — writers who mostly used magical realism to critique society and often wrote from exile.
Driving the news: His children, Álvaro, Gonzalo and Morgana Vargas Llosa, announced his death in a social media statement, which said he died peacefully on Sunday in Lima, Peru.
Zoom out: Vargas Llosa came onto the literary scene with his first book, "The Time of the Hero" ("La ciudad y los perros"), in 1963, but it was his second novel, "The Green House" ("La casa verde"), that earned him international praise.
Along with Colombian writer Gabriel García Márquez, Vargas Llosa helped shape the Latin American literary canon with sharp critiques of society through examinations of race, authoritarianism, displacement and sexuality.
He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 2010 "for his cartography of structures of power and his trenchant images of the individual's resistance, revolt, and defeat."
The intrigue: In 2023, Vargas Llosa wrote in the postscript of his last book, "Le dedico mi silencio" ("I Give You My Silence"), that he was done writing novels after more than 60 years.
"I think I've finished this book. I'd now like to write an essay on (Jean-Paul) Sartre, who was my teacher as a young man. It will be the last thing I write," he wrote.
His final novel is a love letter to Peru and a homage to the nation's música criolla.
"I'm 87 and, although I'm an optimist, I don't think I'll live long enough to work on a new novel, especially because it takes me three or four years to write one," Vargas Llosa said to La Vanguardia, a newspaper in Barcelona, Spain.
Flashback: Vargas Llosa ran unsuccessfully as a candidate in Peru's 1990 presidential election.
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She was tortured, yet she still fights for freedom
Editor's note: This is the second in a five-part series on the price of freedom, by exploring the work and experience of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus in Bangladesh. Deseret News Opinion Editor Jay Evensen has known Yunus since 1997, when the world leader first visited Utah. Evensen traveled to Dhaka to speak again with Yunus, entrepreneurs, politicians in the country, and even revolutionaries seeking change, to understand the risks Yunus is enduring and why peace and opportunity in Bangladesh are so important to the United States. DHAKA, BANGLADESH — As I sit across the desk from Aparna Roy Das, the 49-year-old whose political career, like that of her father, has been marred by broken bones, torture and harassment, the question seems so obvious it practically leaps from the walls. Why do you choose to be a politician when there are such dangers? Just a few minutes later, as we discuss whether rival parties and factions might disrupt upcoming elections with more violence, the chants of protesters begin to grow outside the window behind where Das sits at her desk, a window covered in blinds, here in the capital city of Bangladesh. These chants quickly become loud enough to interrupt our discussion. I feel compelled to ask my interpreter, Tathira Baatul, a young research assistant and aspiring journalist, 'Is that a good protest?' 'I'm not sure,' she answers. Such is the rough-and-tumble world of politics in Bangladesh. At the time of this interview, the party to which Das belongs, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, was supportive of interim leader Muhammad Yunus' efforts to reform the nation before holding elections. Today, the BNP is restless, urging Yunus to hold elections quickly, ostensibly because it is expected to win popular support. But as the chants rise during our interview in February, Das has just described for us how, for 15 years, she could not use this office because police, presumably operating under Hasina's orders, had destroyed its contents. She also had been tortured. 'Both of my knees were broken by the police during the first strike in 2010,' she said, according to a transcript of our interview, translated and provided to me by Baatul after the meeting. 'And since then, I have been tortured multiple times in police custody and in court. They tortured me from my legs to my head. 'Even now, because of that torture, I am physically unwell, though in terms of mental strength, I remain resilient. I was never able to go abroad for treatment.' She wasn't the first in her family to endure such punishment for political activism. Her mother died last Dec. 29, she tells me, 'because of 17 years of oppression.' 'She spent those years alone, visiting prisons, as someone from our family was always behind bars. She fought against the administration by herself, and after enduring so much, she suffered a stroke.' On the many times her father was arrested, she used to pray he was in jail, because if not, it might mean he had been made to disappear, as too many were during those years. 'He is a freedom fighter, but the kind of brutality he faced was unimaginable,' she said. 'He had even said, holding his chest like Abu Sayed, 'If they are to kill my people, kill me first.'' Sayed was a well-known student activist who was among the first to die during the uprising last summer that resulted in a full-scale revolution in Bangladesh. That resulted in Hasina fleeing to India, after which the students convinced Yunus, Nobel laureate and 'banker to the poor,' to head an interim government. He leads it to this day, despite mounting pressures from political parties and the military. And Das now serves as assistant secretary for marginal manpower development affairs within the BNP. But the question remains. After watching both parents suffer physically and mentally for so many years; after seeing former prime minister and Bangladesh's 'Mother of Democracy,' Begum Khaleda Zia, endure torture; and after having her own bones broken by the blows of state police, is it worth it to continue? Why not pick a safer profession? First, she was born into a political family, Das said. Her father, Gayeshwar Chandra Ray, is a standing committee member of the BNP. 'I have witnessed these things from a young age, as I have seen my parents engaged in politics. Therefore, it was never a question of whether I would join or not,' she said. Later, she grows a bit more thoughtful. 'There is democracy and the right to speak, but this was not the case in our country,' Das said. 'My father endured so much torture, and after he was injured, we didn't know where the police had kept him. It was an extremely frightening day for me because three members of my family were in the hospital, and I couldn't find my father. 'Many people told me not to look for him, because they would arrest me too and torture me, but I wasn't afraid. I was always in the streets. Now, even if I see any injustice in the country, especially from those who want to take everything from Bangladesh, I will protest against them in any way, shape or form that I can. 'If the torture had not happened to my father, but to someone else, I would have done the same thing.' Pericles is quoted as saying, 'Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you.' That is especially true for many in Bangladesh, a nation of 171.5 million people that fills a geographical area about the size of Iowa. Since it won independence from Pakistan in 1971, it has struggled to establish democratic traditions, suffering assassinations, coups and despotism. To much of the world, it seems remote and inconsequential. Yet hope flickers strong in politicians such as Das and others who seem strengthened through trials. It is a hope from which the world could learn. It is a hope reflected in the easy smiles I encountered in villages outside Dhaka. It is a hope bolstered by belief, and it is one that has me reflecting on the fragility of freedom. The Bangladeshi economy has grown, despite hardships. The World Bank said Bangladesh had reached 'lower-middle income status' by 2015. GDP grew by 6.4% between 2010 and 2023, and the poverty rate fell from 11.8% to 5% during roughly the same period. Still, that's an international poverty level based on only $2.15 per day. The moderate poverty rate, measured at $3.65 per day in 2017 dollars, is at 30%. Even with rising prosperity, hunger and low wages can bring politics close to everyone. When elections come again, the nation will learn much about itself and how far it has come. It will learn whether the Awami League, the political party allied with now-deposed former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, intends to be disruptive, or even violent. The party has been outlawed while investigations proceed into violence committed during student protests last summer. Das, who believes interim government leader Yunus has done much to reinstate basic freedoms, answers easily as I ask her what she hopes Bangladesh will be like in 10 or 20 years. 'I want Bangladesh to be a place where everyone can eat, vote and sleep peacefully,' she says. 'I want our daughters to be able to go outside without fear. I dream of a beautiful, just Bangladesh, one where we don't have to live at the cost of others' blood. 'This Bangladesh, which we gained through the sacrifices of millions, must rise again. I want justice for the massacre that occurred at the border between India and Bangladesh. My neighbor should be my friend, but our neighbor harms us. We seek freedom from that harm. 'Above all conspiracies, I want a beautiful Bangladesh.' This is the real answer to the question. This is why she serves. And if that day comes, no one could say people like Das haven't paid the price for it. It takes only minutes for Das and her colleagues in the room to determine that the protests we hear on the street outside are from her supporters. We are in no danger. And yet, I am left pondering how I felt for the brief moment when I didn't know. How would it feel to know they were, indeed, hostile, as Das has had to face so often in her life?
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Peru reinstates full protection of Nazca Lines reserve after controversial cutback
BOGOTA, Colombia (AP) — Peru's government has reversed its controversial decision to shrink the protected area surrounding the Nazca Lines, which had faced criticism for opening the area to informal miners. The country's culture ministry on Sunday nullified last week's resolution that had reinstated the boundary map set in 2004. The switch followed severe backlash after the government approved a 42% reduction in the zone — about 2,400 square kilometers (926 square miles) — and to allow miners to seek formal permits in previously restricted areas. The original protected zone — spanning 5,600 square kilometers (2,162 square miles) — will remain in effect. The ministry also ordered an update of the site's management plan within 10 days and the formation of a technical panel, which will include government representatives, academics, UNESCO, and civil society figures to define future use and conservation strategies. The area in question forms part of a UNESCO-recognized World Heritage Site, home to the Nazca Lines — massive geoglyphs etched into the desert over 1,500 years ago — and one of Peru's most fragile desert ecosystems. 'Thanks to the strong rejection by national and international public opinion, the government revoked the reduction of the area of the Nazca Archaeological Reserve,' Mariano Castro, Peru's former vice minister of the environment, told The Associated Press. Castro said the government justified its decision by saying it had not previously discussed its decision publicly. 'In other words, it (the government) does not go so far as to admit the measure was wrong, despite evidence of the presence of illegal mining, which seriously endangers and threatens the integrity of the Nazca Lines and petroglyphs,' he said. The ministry said a new government entity will be created to oversee the site's management, and technical studies will be published to ensure transparency and accountability. Peruvian environmental lawyer, César Ipenza, who follows the issue closely, welcomes the technical panel, which will include local authorities, but he still has concerns. 'The truth is that the local authority is actually the one that has been calling for the reduction of the boundaries of the Nazca Lines,' Ipenza told the AP. 'There will also be strong pressure from miners for this to go ahead." Ipenza is concerned that informal mining has been steadily expanding in the area, even though all mining activity is officially banned. 'The government hasn't taken action to remove these miners and as a result, there has been pressure to officially open the area to allow informal and illegal miners to become formalized,' he said. The AP contacted UNESCO for comment. The organization said it would aim to provide information on Tuesday, as Monday was a public holiday in France, where it is headquartered. —- The Associated Press' climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at

a day ago
Peru reinstates full protection of Nazca Lines reserve after controversial cutback
BOGOTA, Colombia -- Peru's government has reversed its controversial decision to shrink the protected area surrounding the Nazca Lines, which had faced criticism for opening the area to informal miners. The country's culture ministry on Sunday nullified last week's resolution that had reinstated the boundary map set in 2004. The switch followed severe backlash after the government approved a 42% reduction in the zone — about 2,400 square kilometers (926 square miles) — and to allow miners to seek formal permits in previously restricted areas. The original protected zone — spanning 5,600 square kilometers (2,162 square miles) — will remain in effect. The ministry also ordered an update of the site's management plan within 10 days and the formation of a technical panel, which will include government representatives, academics, UNESCO, and civil society figures to define future use and conservation strategies. The area in question forms part of a UNESCO-recognized World Heritage Site, home to the Nazca Lines — massive geoglyphs etched into the desert over 1,500 years ago — and one of Peru's most fragile desert ecosystems. 'Thanks to the strong rejection by national and international public opinion, the government revoked the reduction of the area of the Nazca Archaeological Reserve,' Mariano Castro, Peru's former vice minister of the environment, told The Associated Press. Castro said the government justified its decision by saying it had not previously discussed its decision publicly. 'In other words, it (the government) does not go so far as to admit the measure was wrong, despite evidence of the presence of illegal mining, which seriously endangers and threatens the integrity of the Nazca Lines and petroglyphs,' he said. The ministry said a new government entity will be created to oversee the site's management, and technical studies will be published to ensure transparency and accountability. Peruvian environmental lawyer, César Ipenza, who follows the issue closely, welcomes the technical panel, which will include local authorities, but he still has concerns. 'The truth is that the local authority is actually the one that has been calling for the reduction of the boundaries of the Nazca Lines,' Ipenza told the AP. 'There will also be strong pressure from miners for this to go ahead." Ipenza is concerned that informal mining has been steadily expanding in the area, even though all mining activity is officially banned. 'The government hasn't taken action to remove these miners and as a result, there has been pressure to officially open the area to allow informal and illegal miners to become formalized,' he said. The AP contacted UNESCO for comment. The organization said it would aim to provide information on Tuesday, as Monday was a public holiday in France, where it is headquartered. —- The Associated Press' climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP's standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at