
Our View: Wildfire strategies require thoughtful legislation
In the wake of historic January wildfires that claimed lives and left Los Angeles County communities, neighborhoods and businesses in ashes, a flurry of bipartisan fire-safety and rebuilding proposals have surfaced.
Prominent among them is the Fight for Firefighters Act, proposed by Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire, D-North Coast, and a bipartisan coalition of state senators.
Among other things, it would phase out CalFire's approximately 3,000 firefighters and transition them into full-time jobs. Typically, seasonal firefighters only work during the 'fire season' — traditionally from April to December. But is that realistic? What is today's wildfire season? Wildfires have become a frequent, year-round threat.
'More aggressive fires, and an unrelenting year-round wildfire season, demands more aggressive responses,' said McGuire, who contends 'wildfires don't take three months off. So, the elite CalFire firefighting force that is our first and last defense in protecting lives and homes across the state should be year-round, too. This investment will make communities more wildfire safe and greatly improve fire and emergency response in every corner of California.'
Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar bill, not because he didn't agree with the objective, but because he said the state was already planning on hiring more firefighters. McGuire's plan would cost an estimated $175 million per year.
Bakersfield's Republican state Sen. Shannon Grove is a co-sponsor of the Fight for Firefighters Act.
'We are in a pivotal time when it comes to preparing for wildfire season and that includes addressing the CalFire staffing shortage,' Grove said in a news release. 'This legislation will serve as a critical down payment to support our firefighters while they protect life, property and natural resources for all Californians.'
Noting that Kern County has experienced many devastating wildfires, most recently the Borel Fire that burned south of Lake Isabella last summer, Grove said, 'Wildfires have devastated communities across our state, leaving countless families displaced and businesses struggling to recover.'
Bolstering CalFire's firefighting force and implementing aggressive fire prevention strategies are more urgent now as the Trump administration has frozen spending to hire federal seasonal firefighters and fund forest clearing on federal land.
The Fight for Firefighters Act also proposes to have all CalFire's fire engines and vegetation management crews operational year-round, and require all CalFire helicopter bases be fully staffed year-round.
Grove also has introduced SB 375, which proposes to balance the needs of endangered and threatened wildlife, with prevention and rebuilding needs.
'SB 375 provides a comprehensive approach to wildfire preparedness, cutting bureaucratic red tape and delivering real solutions to protect lives, homes and our natural resources,' Grove said.
In a mind-boggling rush to introduce wildfire-related bills, Assembly and Senate lawmakers are proposing price gouging penalties; temporary mortgage relief; rent controls; creation of a commission to centralize wildfire mitigation plans; and require developers to make buildings more fire-proof.
Other bills propose expanding the one-year non-renewal insurance moratorium; easing coastal development permits; stiffening criminal penalties for looting and other criminal activities; making it a felony to impersonate a police officer or a firefighter during a state of emergency; making it a felony to fly a drone over the scene of an emergency; increasing water storage; and giving tax credits to homeowners who make fire-resistant improvements.
Sigh, and there are so many more bills. It's like politicians are throwing spaghetti at the wall and seeing what sticks.
Every politician seems to want to get into the act — and, cynically speaking, get a piece of the publicity.
There are lots of lessons to be learned from the recent devastating wildfires. But to effectively address those lessons requires a coordinated, focused package of legislation — not a bunch of spaghetti.
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Jasmine Crockett of Texas, one of several Democrats who could be ousted under her state's new maps. 'For everyone who's been asking, 'Where is the fight?' – well, here it is.' There is no guarantee Democrats can prevent the Republican-powered redistricting, just as Democrats on Capitol Hill has not been able to stop Trump's moves. But it's a notable turn for a party that, by its own leaders' admissions, has honored conventional rules and bypassed bare-knuckled tactics. So far, progressive and establishment Democrats are aligned, uniting what has often been a fragmented opposition since Republicans led by Trump took control of the federal government with their election sweep in November. Leaders on the left say the approach gives them a more effective way to confront him. They can challenge his redistricting ploy with tangible moves as they also push back against the Republicans' tax and spending law and press the case that he is shredding American democracy. 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Those legislators surfaced in Illinois , New York, California and elsewhere, joined by governors, senators, state party chairs, other states' legislators and activists. All promised action. The response was Trumpian. Govs. Gavin Newsom of California, JB Pritzker of Illinois and Kathy Hochul of New York welcomed Texas Democrats and pledged retaliatory redistricting. Pritzker mocked Abbott as a lackey who says 'yes, sir' to Trump orders. Hochul dismissed Texas Republicans as 'lawbreaking cowboys.' Newsom's press office directed all-caps social media posts at Trump, mimicking his signature sign off: 'THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER.' U.S. Rep. Al Green, another Texas Democrat who could lose his seat, called Trump 'egomaniacal.' Yet many Democrats also claimed moral high ground, comparing their cause to the Civil Rights Movement. State Rep. Ramon Romero Jr., invoked another Texas Democrat, President Lyndon Johnson, who was 'willing to stand up and fight' for civil rights laws in the 1960s. Then, with Texas bravado, Romero reached further into history: 'We're asking for help, maybe just as they did back in the days of the Alamo.' A recent Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll found that about 15% of Democrats' own voters described the party using words like 'weak' or 'apathetic.' An additional 10% called it 'ineffective' or 'disorganized.' Beto O'Rourke, a former Texas congressman who is raising money to support Texas Democrats, has encouraged Democratic-run statehouses to redraw districts now rather than wait for GOP states to act. On Friday, California Democrats released a plan that would give the party an additional five U.S. House seats. It would require voter approval in a November election. 'Maximize Democratic Party advantage,' O'Rourke said at a recent rally. 'You may say to yourself, 'Well, those aren't the rules.' There are no refs in this game. F--- the rules. ... Whatever it takes.' Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin acknowledged the shift. 'This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to a knife fight,' he said. Andrew O'Neill, an executive at the progressive group Indivisible, contrasted that response with the record-long speeches by U.S. Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J. and the Democratic leader of the U.S. House, New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries , in eviscerating Trump and his package of tax breaks and spending cuts. The left 'had its hair on fire' cheering those moments, O'Neill recalled, but were 'left even more frustrated in the aftermath.' Trump still secured tax cuts for the wealthy , accelerated deportations and cut safety net programs , just as some of his controversial nominees were confirmed over vocal Democratic opposition. 'Now,' O'Neill said, 'there is some marriage of the rhetoric we've been seeing since Trump's inauguration with some actual action.' O'Neill looked back wistfully to the decision by Senate Democrats not to eliminate the filibuster 'when our side had the trifecta,' so a simple majority could pass major legislation. Democratic President Joe Biden's attorney general, Merrick Garland, he said, was too timid in prosecuting Trump and top associates over the Capitol riot. In 2016, Democratic President Barack Obama opted against hardball as the Senate's Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, refused to consider Obama's nomination of Garland to the Supreme Court. 'These unspoken rules of propriety, especially on the Democratic side, have created the conditions' that enabled Trump, Mitchell said. Even on redistricting, Democrats would have to ignore their previous good-government efforts and bypass independent commissions that draw boundaries in several states, including California. Party leaders and activists rationalize that the broader fights tie together piecemeal skirmishes that may not, by themselves, sway voters. Arguing that Trump diminishes democracy stirs people who already support Democrats, O'Neill said. By contrast, he said, the GOP 'power grab,' can be connected to unpopular policies that affect voters' lives. Green noted that Trump's big package bill cleared the Senate 'by one vote' and the House by a few , demonstrating why redistricting matters. U.S. Rep. Greg Casar of Texas said Democrats must make unseemly, short-term power plays so they can later pass legislation that 'bans gerrymandering nationwide ... bans super PACs (political action committees) and gets rid of that kind of big money and special interest that helped get us to this place.' U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, added that a Democratic majority would wield subpoena power over Trump's administration. In the meantime, said U.S. Rep. Julie Johnson, D-Texas, voters are grasping a stark reality. 'They say, 'Well, I don't know. Politics doesn't affect me,'' she said of constituents she meets. 'I say, 'Honey, it does' If you don't do politics, politics will do you.''