3.3 Magnitude Earthquake Hits Haryana's Rohtak, 4th Tremor In 8 Days
An earthquake measuring 3.3 on the Richter scale struck Rohtak in Haryana early Thursday, according to the National Centre for Seismology (NCS).
The tremor was recorded at 12:46 a.m., with a depth of 10 km.
Sharing the update on X, the NCS posted, "EQ of M: 3.3, On: 17/07/2025 00:46:20 IST, Lat: 28.88 N, Long: 76.76 E, Depth: 10 Km, Location: Rohtak, Haryana."
EQ of M: 3.3, On: 17/07/2025 00:46:20 IST, Lat: 28.88 N, Long: 76.76 E, Depth: 10 Km, Location: Rohtak, Haryana.
For more information Download the BhooKamp App https://t.co/5gCOtjdtw0 @DrJitendraSingh @OfficeOfDrJS @Ravi_MoES @Dr_Mishra1966 @ndmaindia pic.twitter.com/SppsWeZuAm
— National Center for Seismology (@NCS_Earthquake) July 16, 2025
No casualties or property damage have been reported so far, but officials are keeping a close watch on developments as seismic activity in the region remains heightened.
This is the fourth significant earthquake in Haryana within the last eight days.
On July 11, Jhajjar district was hit by a 3.7 magnitude quake, followed just hours later by a stronger 4.4 magnitude tremor in the same area.
Both quakes were felt widely across Delhi-NCR, sparking concern among residents and prompting widespread posts on social media and alert apps.
Some also said that it felt like the "longest earthquake" in the national Capital region.
Seismological records show that since July 10, at least four earthquakes of magnitude above 2.5 have occurred within a 40-kilometre radius of Rohtak.
Experts link this recurring seismic activity to the complex network of geological fault lines that run beneath Delhi-NCR and its adjoining regions, including Rohtak and Jhajjar.
These include the Mahendragarh-Dehradun Fault (MDF), Delhi-Sargodha Ridge, Delhi-Haridwar Ridge, and the Sohna and Mathura faults.
The tectonic setting here is influenced by both the movement of the distant Himalayan tectonic plates and local fault dynamics.
While most earthquakes in the region fall within the 2.0 to 4.5 magnitude range, seismologists warn they are indicative of accumulating tectonic stress.
The July 11 quake, for example, is suspected to have originated along the MDF, pointing to active fault movement.
Authorities have urged residents to remain vigilant and prepared.
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Indian Express
3 days ago
- Indian Express
One bride, two grooms: The story of Himachal's Hattis and the tradition of polyandry
On a sun-drenched July afternoon, the beat of wedding drums echoed across the hills of Shillai, a remote Himalayan village in the Trans-Giri belt of Himachal Pradesh's Sirmaur district. As villagers danced the pahari nati and showered flower petals, the bride, Sunita Chauhan, participated in the traditional wedding rituals. But what set the wedding apart was the presence of not one, but two grooms. The wedding, which has since gone viral and sparked curiosity and debate beyond the state borders, is neither scandalous nor new to the region. It is a remnant of the fading ancient practice known colloquially as Jodidara or Jajda, a form of polyandry in which one woman marries brothers. Though the tradition now survives discreetly among members of the Hatti community, the custom was common across the rugged, agrarian region until a few decades ago. 'Twenty-five years ago, it was not unusual,' says Harshwardhan Chauhan, Himachal Pradesh's Industries, Labour, and Parliamentary Affairs Minister and the MLA for Shillai. 'But in the past decade, I would estimate fewer than 50 such weddings have taken place.' For outsiders, such marriages may evoke a sense of otherness and raise questions about gender, autonomy, and modernity. But in Shillai (Sirmour) and other tribal areas of Himachal Pradesh, including Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, polyandry is tied to land, legacy, and survival. The Hatti community — which got its name as they traditionally sold agrarian goods in marketplaces called hatts — spans about 450 villages across the Trans-Giri region of Himachal Pradesh and bordering areas of Uttarakhand. These tightly-knit agricultural communities once relied on collective labour to make ends meet. For centuries, the region's geography, steep slopes, fragmented terraced fields, and sparse infrastructure dictated a kind of economic and familial pragmatism. In this context, polyandry served a specific and functional purpose: preserving undivided ancestral land and fostering cooperation in joint families. Sitaram Sharma, chairperson, a public school in Shillai, remembers growing up in a joint household where his father and grandfather practiced Jajda. 'Only about five percent of families still follow it,' he says. 'Up until around 50 years, both polyandry and polygamy were practiced in the community. Families had no land, there were no jobs, and survival depended on staying together.' Families often had only a bigha or two of cultivable land — barely enough for one household, let alone many. To divide it further, Sharma says, would have been catastrophic. 'If four brothers married four wives, their children would split the land again and again. Jajda ensured land stayed whole, and families stayed together.' His reflections are echoed by the first chief minister of Himachal Pradesh YS Parmar, who, in his 1975 ethnographic study Polyandry in the Himalayas, wrote, 'The real reason for the existence of polyandry is economic. It is the best system suited to the conditions of the people where division of land is not possible and joint cultivation is advantageous.' Beyond economics, the practice wove an emotional lattice among siblings. 'Fraternal polyandry binds brothers together. It discourages fission in the household and promotes unity, since the brothers have a common wife, common children, and shared responsibilities,' says Sharma. It was also, in many ways, a form of population control. 'It regulated reproduction naturally. By limiting the number of wives in a family, it also limited the number of children, thereby conserving resources,' Parmar added. For many locals, especially among the older generation, the practice is sanctified by religious mythology. In the Mahabharata, Draupadi — wife to the Pandavas — is considered the first Jajda bride. 'People say, if such great men could live like this, why not us?' says Sharma. Parmar writes of it too: 'The custom has its sanction in mythology and legend. The people of the region continue to follow the example of these legendary heroes.' But today, such explanations are met with discomfort, or outright silence. A 2025 study by sociologists Shiv Kumar and Thakur Prem Kumar, published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Neonatal Surgery, attributes the decline to education and employment. 'Youngsters are hesitant,' Sharma says. 'They work in cities, some go abroad. They are scared of being mocked.' 'Earlier, people had no choice. Now people are stepping out, getting educated, watching the world through screens and books. The joint family is giving way to nuclear,' he adds. However, Shravan Kumar, 42, an assistant professor from Lahaul-Spiti, argues that such marriages are neither regressive or coercive. 'Couples in these relationships are not forced into anything,' he says. 'They live lives with perfect autonomy, not unlike traditional two-partner marriages. If the three partners do not get along, the bride or one, or both, of the grooms can initiate divorce through a simple ceremony that translates to 'breaking the thread.'' Though increasingly rare, polyandry remains prevalent across several Himalayan communities, including certain high-altitude pockets of Nepal and Tibet. Palki Tsering, a 37-year-old researcher from Kinnaur and general secretary of the Lahaul-Spiti Bodh Sangh, a local organisation focused on the welfare of the Buddhist community in the Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti regions, notes, 'Both polygamy and polyandry are indeed practiced among the Hatti community and in tribal regions of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti. Though the practice has declined over the years, it now tends to be more consent-based rather than arranged.' Case in point: Sunita Chauhan, the bride, was quoted by news reports as saying: 'I was aware of the tradition and made my decision without any pressure. I respect the bond we have formed.' In her case, one husband, Pradeep from Shillai village, works in a government department, while the other, Kapil, is employed abroad. Tsering says the tradition originally served a practical purpose: 'In the rugged terrains of Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti, consolidating property and land was essential. One son would typically work outside the village to earn a living, while the other stayed back to manage the household and community affairs.' Even today, the economic rationale persists. Maintaining multiple households is financially burdensome, especially with the added cost of raising children. As Tsering explains, 'If brothers marry different women, they are treated as separate households and must each contribute separately to the village community. A household of three brothers with one wife is considered one household and will thus only contribute once.' Sushil Brongpa of Lahaul-Spiti, former Rajya Sabha MP, recalls encountering a study on his family at Patiala University in 1971. The book, A Study of Polyandry by Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, was published by Cambridge University Press. Brongpa shared, 'My uncle and father had a common wife, and I, too, share a wife with my uncle's son. The system ensured that both land and the family stayed together.' Wedding rituals in these regions also diverge notably from typical North Indian customs. Rather than a groom arriving with a baraat, the entire village often visits the grooms' house. The ceremony includes offerings of jaggery and invocation of the Kul Devta (family deity). A unique ritual called Seenj is performed at the groom's residence. Brongpa recalls simpler forms of marriage in earlier times: 'With limited resources, 'gandharv' weddings — unions without elaborate rituals — were common. Sometimes, the elder brother and his friends would simply bring the bride home. In some cases, a bottle of liquor sufficed as a symbolic shagun, or a small advance would be given as a token for the woman's security.' Under Indian law, polyandry is not legally recognised. The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 and the Special Marriage Act require monogamy, that is, neither party may have a living spouse at the time of marriage. Section 82 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) criminalises bigamy with up to seven years' imprisonment. If the prior marriage was concealed from the new spouse, the imprisonment can extend to 10 years. However, these laws do not automatically apply to members of Scheduled Tribes (STs) unless extended by the central government. This legal loophole allows for customary practices, like Jodidara, to survive in tribal regions. Under Section 13 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, a longstanding custom can be admitted in court as a legal right. Courts have repeatedly upheld this principle, especially when it concerns family law in tribal communities. The Hatti community in Sirmaur shares deep-rooted kinship ties and cultural practices with Jaunsar-Bawar — an area that was historically part of the princely state of Sirmaur before its incorporation into modern-day Uttarakhand. Today, the Tons River serves as both a geographic and policy boundary: while the Jaunsari Hatti on the Uttarakhand side are recognised as a Scheduled Tribe, their counterparts in Himachal continue to await similar protections. Though Parliament passed a bill to grant them ST status in 2022, the Himachal Pradesh High Court stayed its implementation in January 2024, citing 'manifest arbitrariness' in the classification process. The case is currently sub judice. Both Harshwardhan and former Deputy Advocate General Himachal Pradesh Chander Mohan Thakur note that despite lack of formal recognition to the Hatti community in Himachal Pradesh several court cases involving the Hatti community in Himachal have been settled under customary law, specifically the Jodidara system. Thakur cites the Lokur Committee Report (1965), according to which the first official criteria for identifying a Scheduled Tribe was: 'primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact, and backwardness.' 'Any custom that contradicts public policy can be struck down. But when it comes to tribal communities, their custom prevails over general law,' says Thakur. MLA Harshwardhan agrees: 'There are several tribal traits in the Trans-Giri region, and that includes polyandry. Customary law takes precedence in such cases. Several disputes have been resolved under these customs.' Revenue officers, too, often encounter the system in land records. 'When a new official comes in,' Sharma says, 'we have to explain how Jodidara works — one wife, at least two fraternal husbands, one household.' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Indian Express
150 years later, Jim Corbett's jungle books still roar
Jim Corbett was a colonial hunter who famously tracked elusive man-eating tigers and leopards across the Himalayan foothills in the early 20th century. However, his name survives in India to this day, not because of the fearsome beasts he hunted, but because of what he wrote. Between 1944 and 1955, Corbett published six books that transformed his adventures in the dense Indian jungles into literary legend. Man-Eaters of Kumaon, the first and most influential of these, remains one of the best-selling and most widely read wilderness books written about India. His works have been translated into over two dozen languages, remain in circulation across generations, and continue to influence how naturalists, tourists, and general readers perceive forests and the animals within them. Corbett was neither a trained scientist nor a professional author, yet his writing established a blueprint for modern Indian nature writing: clear, observational, rooted in the field, and deeply concerned with the relationship between people and predators. The opening story in Man-Eaters of Kumaon recounts Corbett's 1907 encounter with the Champawat Tigress, officially blamed for 436 human deaths in Nepal and India. After years of failed attempts by others, Corbett tracked and killed the tigress in a village in Kumaon. What is striking in his account is not the act itself, but the method. Corbett documents how the tigress moved, where she attacked, and how she evaded pursuit. He emphasised the fear in the community, describing villagers abandoning homes, refusing to step outside, or sending children away for safety. This clinical, community-focused narrative distinguished Corbett from other colonial-era shikaris, who often glorified the hunt and ignored its human context. In Corbett's writing, it was the villagers, not the hunter, who were the story. 'I am not going to harrow your feelings by trying to describe that poor torn and mangled thing,' he wrote of one victim in The Temple Tiger, 'still with every bone whole and atom of dignity… yet the cry of blood for blood, to rid a countryside of a menace… is irresistible.' Man-Eaters of Kumaon became a global bestseller upon its release by Oxford University Press in 1944. Corbett followed it with The Man-Eating Leopard of Rudraprayag (1948), a tightly focused account of a leopard that killed 125 people across eight years. This book, more restrained and procedural than the first, reinforced Corbett's emerging literary identity: more investigator than adventurer. Corbett insisted that man-eating was abnormal behavior, the result of injury, age, or human interference, and not innate to tigers or leopards. 'It is only the stress of circumstances beyond its control that compels a tiger or leopard to adopt a diet alien to it,' he wrote in Man-Eaters of Kumaon This argument, grounded in field observation rather than theory, was decades ahead of formal conservation discourse. In his later books, Corbett moved away from the act of hunting and toward reflection. My India (1952) is a set of essays on rural life in the United Provinces (now Uttarakhand), focusing on caste, poverty, and survival rather than wildlife. Jungle Lore (1953) is a memoir of sorts — a narrative of how he learned to live with, and read, the jungle. In these works, Corbett begins to articulate a conservation ethic. He expresses regret about the decline of big cats, criticises trophy hunting, and advocates for photography as a humane alternative. His language becomes more introspective, less goal-driven. 'The taking of a good photograph gives far more pleasure to the sportsman than the acquisition of a trophy,' he wrote, adding, 'while the photograph is of interest to all lovers of wildlife, the trophy is only of interest to the individual who acquired it.' The Temple Tiger and More Man-Eaters of Kumaon (1954) includes hunts that end without a kill, a deliberate narrative choice that underscores his growing discomfort with his role as executioner. 'To take an uncertain shot at night with the possibility of only wounding him and leaving him to suffer… was not justifiable in any circumstances,' Corbett said of one non-lethal encounter in the Man-Eaters of Kumaon. His final book, Tree Tops (1955), written after he relocated to Kenya, is a slim account of a royal visit, mostly remembered for noting Queen Elizabeth II's accession to the throne. Corbett's books outlasted both the empire that shaped his life and the big-game tradition he once represented. They remain widely circulated in India, especially among wildlife enthusiasts, naturalists, and readers interested in ecological history. Translations in Hindi, Marathi, Bengali, and several other Indian languages have kept his work accessible to readers beyond the English-speaking elite. Though his writings are no longer part of formal school syllabi, they continue to appear in curated reading lists, public libraries, and conservation workshops. In popular culture, his stories are retold by tour guides, referenced in documentaries, and dramatised in podcasts and short films. The forest that bears his name — Jim Corbett National Park, renamed in 1957 — remains one of India's best-known wildlife destinations. As he warned in the Man-Eaters of Kumaon: 'A tiger is a large-hearted gentleman with boundless courage and… when he is exterminated… India will be the poorer, having lost the finest of her fauna' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More
Time of India
4 days ago
- Time of India
For 200 yrs, remote U'khand temple has had men & women as priests
Dehradun: A centuries-old Vishnu shrine in a forested Himalayan valley in the upper reaches of Chamoli district has quietly been appointing a man and a woman each year for more thanm two centuries to serve jointly as priests. This year, the Phulanarayan temple in Urgam valley opened its doors last week, marking the beginning of a 45-day ritual calendar that ends on Sept 2, the day of Nanda Ashtami. Rajeshwari Devi and Vivek Singh, selected a year in advance by the local panchayat, have taken on the responsibilities of priesthood for this cycle. Devi, a resident of Bharki village and aged above 55 as required, is in charge of floral arrangements, preparing tulsi garlands, and cooking prasada for the devotees. Singh, from neighbouring Baintha village, leads the main aarti and prayers. Both remain within the temple premises throughout the 45-day period. No official record traces the exact origins of this practice in Phulanarayan. But for the communities of Bharki and Baintha, it simply continues — an annual partnership shaped not by political declarations but by quiet repetition. There is no spectacle or assertion of modernity here. Just a garland of tulsi, handed to a woman, who steps without hesitation into a role still forbidden to many others. "It is an honour for a woman to be given the key responsibility. As the announcement is made in advance, we do not have any problem," said Devi, seated beside baskets of fresh tulsi and wildflowers. Chandra Mohan Panwar, a local who has observed the tradition for over five decades, added, "This is something passed down from the time of our forefathers. Each priest has different but essential tasks." The temple's elevation — close to 3,000 metres above sea level — only adds to its isolation. The approach road from Helang to Kalpeshwar stretches for 13 km and is in utter disrepair. From Kalpeshwar, a steep 4 km trek through deodar and oak forest is required to reach Phulanarayan. Unlike Kalpeshwar Mahadev — a cave shrine nearby that is part of the Panch Kedar circuit and is now accessible year-round with a road reaching within 300 metres — the Phulanarayan temple remains disconnected from motorable routes and entirely off-grid. Savita Devi, the president of the Mahila Mangal Dal of Bharki village, said, "The road from Helang to Urgam village is in poor condition. We demand that the construction of this road be prioritised, as it could boost pilgrimage and tourism activities here." She added that many travellers visit, but there are no facilities for them. Another resident of the same village, Govind Devi, said, "Although our village is quite behind in terms of development, we are ahead in social support and harmony. " Urgam valley itself is steeped in spiritual significance. In addition to Kalpeshwar Mahadev, it hosts several ancient shrines: Dhyan Badri, Urva Rishi, and Bansi Narayan. The last, an 8th-century shrine dedicated to Lord Krishna situated around 3,600 metres, opens only once a year on Raksha Bandhan. On that day, women from nearby villages tie rakhis directly onto the deity — another rare practice that underscores the valley's unusual spiritual rhythms. Brijesh Sati, general secretary of Char Dham Teerth Purohit Mahapanchayat, told TOI, "Right from parliament to the streets, we keep talking about gender equality. This temple, in one of the most difficult terrains, has shown what it looks like in practice." He added that Phulanarayan may well be the only Vishnu temple in India where a female priest serves alongside a male counterpart in full religious capacity.
