logo
US deports criminals to African nation where political parties banned

US deports criminals to African nation where political parties banned

The US has already deported eight men to another African country, South Sudan, after the Supreme Court lifted restrictions on sending people to countries where they have no ties.
The South Sudanese government has declined to say where those men, also described as violent criminals, are after it took custody of them nearly two weeks ago.
In a late-night post on X, homeland security assistant secretary Tricia McLaughlin said the men sent to Eswatini, who are citizens of Vietnam, Jamaica, Cuba, Yemen and Laos, had arrived on a plane but did not say when or where.
She said they were all convicted criminals and 'individuals so uniquely barbaric that their home countries refused to take them back'.
The men 'have been terrorising American communities' but were now 'off of American soil', McLaughlin claimed.
She said they had been convicted of crimes including murder and child rape and one was a 'confirmed' gang member. Her social media posts included mug shots of the men and what she said were their criminal records. They were not named.
Like in South Sudan, there was no immediate comment from Eswatini authorities over any deal to accept third-country deportees or what would happen to them in that country.
Civic groups there raised concerns over the secrecy from a government long accused of clamping down on human rights.
'There has been a notable lack of official communication from the Eswatini government regarding any agreement or understanding with the US to accept these deportees,' Ingiphile Dlamini, a spokesperson for the pro-democracy group SWALIMO, said in a statement sent to The Associated Press.
'This opacity makes it difficult for civic society to understand the implications.'
It was not clear if they were being held in a detention centre, what their legal status was or what Eswatini's plans were for the deported men, he said.
Eswatini, previously called Swaziland, is a country of about 1.2 million people between South Africa and Mozambique. It is one of the world's last remaining absolute monarchies and the last in Africa. King Mswati III has ruled by decree since 1986.
Political parties are effectively banned and pro-democracy groups have said for years that Mswati III has crushed political dissent, sometimes violently. Groups like SWALIMO have called for democratic reforms.
Pro-democracy protests erupted in Eswatini in 2021, when dozens were killed, allegedly by security forces. Eswatini authorities have been accused of conducting political assassinations of pro-democracy activists and imprisoning others.
Because Eswatini is a poor country with a relative lack of resources, it 'may face significant strain in accommodating and managing individuals with complex backgrounds, particularly those with serious criminal convictions', Mr Dlamini said.
While the US administration has hailed deportations as a victory for the safety and security of the American people, Mr Dlamini said his organization wanted to know the plans for the five men sent to Eswatini and 'any potential risks to the local population'.
The Trump administration has said it is seeking more deals with African nations to take deportees from the US.
Leaders from some of the five West African nations who met President Donald Trump at the White House last week said the issue of migration and their countries possibly taking deportees from the US was discussed.
Some nations have pushed back. Nigeria, which was not part of that White House summit, said it has rejected pressure from the US to take deportees who are citizens of other countries.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Britain's new role as a bastion of black culture
Britain's new role as a bastion of black culture

Spectator

time34 minutes ago

  • Spectator

Britain's new role as a bastion of black culture

One of the great works of journalism to have come out of the Jamaican-British encounter is Journey to an Illusion by the late Donald Hinds. Published in London in 1966, the book is made up of a series of interviews with Commonwealth citizens who had settled hopefully on these shores after the war. Hinds, who was born in Jamaica in 1934 and worked in London as a bus conductor, was disappointed to find that the British were not only unmindful of the Commonwealth, but disinclined to help African-Caribbean immigrants. (Gallingly for him, Italians in the Soho confectionary business were extended a warmer welcome, even though they had fought on Hitler's side.) Inevitably as a 'clippie' on double-deckers, Hinds was exposed to racism. African-Caribbean folk were not that numerous in 1950s London and an entire week could go by without Hinds seeing another black face. Yet London Transport played its role, he believed, in breaking down race prejudice as buses allowed the public to encounter people from the Caribbean for the first time and even (heavens!) talk to them. But the sense of camaraderie did not last. The UK was convulsed by race 'disturbances' in 1958, when tensions erupted first in Nottingham, then, more grievously, in London. White youths ('Teddy Boys' to the press) set out to assault the black and Asian colonial inhabitants of Shepherd's Bush and the area then known as Notting Dale, between the factories of Wood Lane and the now middle-class streets of Notting Hill. Oswald Mosley's neo-fascist Union Movement rallied Britons to go out 'nigger-hunting'. So began four days of some of the worst civil unrest the UK was to see until the Brixton riots three decades later. In her exhaustive history of the Anglophone Caribbean, Imaobong Umoren relates that any slender confidence British Caribbean migrants might have felt as citizens of the country of 'Missus Queen' was undermined by the riots. Overnight they found themselves denigrated as unwanted 'coloured' room-seekers. (Back in the Caribbean, the term 'coloured' applied to people of mixed race, but in the UK it was one of the basic words of ghastly genteel boarding-house culture.) Mosleyite calls for racial purity puzzled Hinds and other newcomers from the West Indies, as racial mixing was not new to them: Chinese and Indian indentured labourers had long married into the local African slave-descended populations. Hinds (who died in Brixton in 2023 at the age of 89) was one of the first to champion the English-speaking Caribbean as a multi-shaded community of nations, at once parochial and international in its collision of African and European cultures. Jamaica's own intermingling of Asian, white and African bloods in some ways made it a more 'modern' society than postwar Britain. Hinds, ahead of his time, could see that the UK, too, was going to be racially mixed one day. Umoren, a professor at the LSE, argues that the problem of the colour-line continues to haunt British-Caribbean relations. An insidious 'shadism' has ensured that a minority of white or near white (what Jamaicans call 'local white') inhabitants still control the plantations and other industries. Planter snobberies were shaped and defined by colour (or, more properly, ethnicity). In order to bolster their social status, slave-owners evolved an elaborate ranking of skin, beginning with their eminences at the top and descending to the 'salt-water Negro' at the bottom. Between black and white were mustees, mustaphinos, quarteroons, octoroons and Sambos –a derogatory term for the children of 'mulatto' and African mix. Aspects of this racialised system have survived, says Umoren. She deploys an armoury of off-putting campus-brand jargon ('hereditary racial slavery', 'male heteropatriarchy', 'racial-caste hierarchy') to make her point. The so-called 'white élites' of Georgian England could do no good at all. Even the abolitionists under William Wilberforce were 'middle class religious zealots' who culpably derided African culture. The only hope of salvation for the formerly enslaved lay in their move white-ward into Christianity. Yet, as Umoren acknowledges, many African Caribbeans today hold romantic opinions of the British Empire, or at least display a pious Anglo-patriotism (call them 'Afro-Saxons'). For them, Britannia was not all 'white supremacist ideology' and 'racial capitalism'. An example? Though the death penalty still exists in Jamaica, most capital punishments are overturned in London by the Privy Council, Jamaica's court of Final Appeal. Thus an ancient British institution comprised of mostly 'élite' white Law Lords becomes an unlikely defender of human rights in Jamaica. Such paradoxes are part of the Caribbean confusion: Victorian moralities that have long disappeared in the UK linger on in its former dependencies. Lanre Bakare's We Were There, a bracingly readable social history, celebrates the UK as a bastion of black culture, black music and food. Most white-owned grocery stores in the UK now stock tins of Caribbean ackee, bottles of pepper sauce and carrot juice. The 'Jamaicanisation' of London's old Caribbean quarter – its boundaries roughly at Marble Arch, Bayswater, Notting Hill and Ladbroke Grove – quickened apace after Jamaica's independence in 1962, when more of its inhabitants left for the UK. Britain's indigenous culture is now so deeply influenced by the island that a Jamaican inflection is hip among white British teenagers. (Dizzee Rascal, whose scratchy beats appeal to both white and black audiences, has 'Londonised' a Caribbean tradition of storytelling that was previously found in reggae, calypso and ska's shuffle beat.) For good or ill, Jamaican culture is youth culture in British cities. Bakare, who was born in West Yorkshire to a Nigerian father and a mother from Leeds, is well placed to write about Lagosian high-life guitar, ragga, reggae, jazz funk and hip-hop. He conjures the black music and racism that was occasionally rife in the Liverpool and Cardiff docks, as well as in Manchester and Edinburgh during the 11-year Thatcher premiership. While punk took hold in London in the late 1970s, a black American dance music craze exploded in Wigan and other inner city areas in the north where African Caribbean migration was at its most dense. Tony Palmer's astonishing Wigan Casino documentary, shot in the Greater Manchester dancehall during the winter of 1977, inspired Bakare, he says, to write this book. It shows a Northern Soul all-nighter in full, amphetamine-amped swing. The dancers are manifestly almost all white, but, as Bakare points out, Northern Soul song lyrics often communicated aspects of the black consciousness movement espoused by Stokely Carmichael and other African-American civil rights activists. (The video for Pulp's current Motown-like single 'Got to Have Love', appropriately, uses footage from the documentary.) In vivid, well-written pages, Bakare considers the British countryside as a last enclave of whiteness, though things are changing. Black nature lovers are now represented by such groups as the London Caribbean Trekkers, Bristol Steppin Sistas and Peaks of Colour. In 1989, the Daily Telegraph's former editor Bill Deedes (who championed the use of the countryside by all) suggested that the rural Black Environmentalist Network come out in favour of field sports: 'Blacks for Foxhunting' was the slogan he suggested, not entirely in jest. Bakare's excellent book captures the life and glory of a culture that changed the face of Britain for good.

Make Trump Britain's prime minister
Make Trump Britain's prime minister

Spectator

time34 minutes ago

  • Spectator

Make Trump Britain's prime minister

When I was a young man, the claim that Britain was in danger of becoming the 51st state was a political slur mainly thrown about by the left, particularly those who objected to the presence of US military bases. But there was some anti-American sentiment on the right, too – Enoch Powell, for instance, had a dislike of America's hostility to the Empire that dated back to his service in the second world war. I'm even guilty of some anti–American prejudice myself and wrote a memoir in which I tried to convey that my failure to take Manhattan in the mid-1990s was because I wasn't willing to sell my soul to Mammon. Well, I take it all back. Having watched Donald Trump's performance at the joint press conference with the Prime Minister on Monday, I wish he was our leader and not Sir Keir Starmer. On all the key topics the President touched on – immigration, net zero, the awfulness of Sadiq Khan – I am in violent agreement with him. I would now like nothing more than for Britain to be the 51st state. It's not just because I'm more closely politically aligned with Trump than Starmer. If Britain was part of the United States, Trump wouldn't hesitate to start deporting undocumented migrants, as he's done in the US, where (according to the White House) illegal immigration has fallen by 95 per cent since he became the 47th President. All those tedious legal obligations we have under the European Convention on Human Rights and the Refugee Convention would be swatted aside like so many pesky flies. If the price to pay is renaming the stretch of water between Britain and France the 'American Channel', so be it. When it comes to energy, I can think of no greater boon to the British economy than re-starting oil and gas exploration in the North Sea, lifting the fracking ban and exploiting our mineral rights in the South Atlantic. It's our insane net-zero policy and our resulting electricity prices that is partly responsible for our GDP per capita being lower than Mississippi's, the poorest state in the union. Incidentally, average GDP per capita was higher in the UK than the US as recently as 2007. We passed the Climate Change Act the following year, around the same time as our long, ignominious decline began. Above all, there's the First Amendment. Oh, how I wish the speech of British citizens enjoyed the same protections as that of Americans. All the fetters on freedom of expression that have sprung up like knotweed since the passing of the Race Relations Act in 1965 – buried in nasty little clauses in the Public Order Act 1986, the Malicious Communications Act 1988, the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, the Communications Act 2003 and the Online Safety Act 2023 – would not survive a First Amendment challenge. The moment we became the 51st state, they would all be placed in what Americans call 'the circular file', i.e. the bin. Of course, it won't ever happen – and I don't want this to read like a counsel of despair. I still hold out a sliver of hope that a future British government will do its best to implement all of these policies, although stopping the boats, scrapping net zero and restoring free speech would be a good deal easier if we were the 51st state. In the words of Paul Goodman, a Conservative colleague in the House of Lords, if a ministry led by Nigel Farage tried to do any of these things, it 'would be met on day one by an institutional intifada'. A radical, reforming government might have the intestinal fortitude to stand up to this onslaught, but, like Lord Goodman, I fear it would soon be seen off by the closed ranks of the Establishment, much like Liz Truss's was. But I have a solution. We all know Trump to be an ambitious man who will be reluctant to surrender power in 2028. So why shouldn't he become a British citizen and run against Sir Keir in 2029, either as the newly installed head of Reform UK or as the leader of a new political party? His mother was born in Scotland, so he's eligible, and unlike in the US, you don't have to be born in Britain to occupy our highest political office. I imagine the prospect of addressing the House of Commons as our prime minister will appeal to him as an act of sweet revenge after being denied the opportunity to address parliament during his forthcoming state visit. If anyone can take on the Blob, the Donald can. Kemi Badenoch can be deputy prime minister and Nigel our ambassador in Washington (after being given a hereditary peerage). Mr President, if you're reading this, I want you to know I stand ready to serve. Let's make Britain great again.

A century of western meddling in Iran
A century of western meddling in Iran

Spectator

time35 minutes ago

  • Spectator

A century of western meddling in Iran

On 22 June this year, seven B2 Stealth bombers flew on a 37-hour round trip from bases in the US to drop 14 30,000lb bombs on two nuclear facilities in Iran. A third was attacked with cruise missiles fired from a submarine, possibly in the Persian Gulf. Few can say with any certainty how much damage was done to the Iranian nuclear programme, which Tehran insists is only for peaceful purposes, but it is likely to have been considerable. Whether this will slow or accelerate Iran's effort to build a bomb is unclear. This massive demonstration of American firepower brought the brief 12-day war between Iran and Israel to a rapid close. Iran came off considerably worse than its adversary in the conflict, though you would not know it from the rhetoric of Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader. One joke I heard in Israel in the days after the war's end was that the Iranians were entirely justified in celebrating a tremendous victory over 'the Zionist entity', as they had shown the world how they could destroy more than a dozen of the biggest bombs ever built with nothing more than two multi-billion-dollar nuclear plants. Scott Anderson's fine, thorough and gripping account of the early stages of the Iranian revolution is a useful read for anyone who wants to learn quite how and why relations deteriorated to such an extent with what was once a staunch, if sometimes independent-minded, ally of the West. Some accounts of the Iranian revolution – and there are many – do not bother overly with the deeper history of the country. This is not one, and Anderson covers much ground easily and elegantly. We learn of the rotten Qajar dynasty (1789-1925) and its failure to resist the depredations of imperial freebooters and powers, chiefly Britain. He then moves briskly on to Reza Shah Pahlavi, the uneducated, tough and efficacious cavalry officer who seized power in the 1920s and set about modernising the country in the usual style of military strongmen. Many of his expansive reforms, Anderson notes, caused great concern to Iran's conservative clergy, including a young, gifted scholar called Ruhollah Khomeini. Britain deposed Reza Shah during the second world war and installed his son, the slightly drippy Mohammad, on the throne. In 1953, the Americans – now the growing power in the region – schemed, along with the British, to save the young monarch from the populist prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh, who wanted to nationalise the country's oil industry in a coup that Iranians have never forgotten, as some sloganeering in Iran in June made clear. Anderson describes the growing megalomania and authoritarianism of 'the Shah', as he was soon known to the West, who conceived monstrously ambitious projects without the technical understanding or political skills to make them a success. Israel and the US assisted in setting up a frightening, though not always effective, security service. This helped protect Iran's ruler from growing unrest led by ideologically diverse figures including the charismatic and increasingly vocal Khomeini, whom he exiled to Iraq in the early 1960s. The Shah's 'White Revolution' – a bid to transform Iran's society and economy but not politics – led to massive change throughout that decade, turbocharged by vastly increased oil revenues in the early 1970s. But these fuelled inflation, a huge influx of rural poor into urban slums and fierce resentment of a corrupt, wealthy, westernised elite. For much of this period (and Anderson largely misses this in his otherwise fairly comprehensive account), the extreme left were the vanguard of opposition in Iran. The Shah spoke of the 'Red threat' and the 'Black threat' – the left and the religious reactionaries – but feared the former most. The communist party, Tudeh, had been weakened by decades of repression; but groups spawned in the heyday of the new left's revolutionary moment at the end of the 1960s waged a sometimes spectacular, if ineffectual, terrorist campaign against the Shah's rule throughout the 1970s. Some radical Iranian thinkers made a concerted effort to fuse Marxist-Leninist thought with Islamism. There was much that the two ideologies shared: binary thinking; an appeal to the downtrodden's desire for social justice; visceral anti-Americanism; and enemies such as imperialism, capitalism and Zionism. Ali Shariati, a key thinker, translated from French to Farsi the most celebrated text of Frantz Fanon, one of the foremost intellectuals of the anti-colonial movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Shariati turned Fanon's Les damnés de la terre into the mostazafin, 'the exploited' or 'miserable', a text which is still commonly used by the Iranian regime today. The Shah's security services crushed both leftist extremists and the Islamo-Marxists with relative ease. One reason was that support for these dissidents was largely restricted to the educated middle classes. When leftist militants tried to recruit in the miserable, conservative, overcrowded southern suburbs of Tehran where many rural immigrants now lived, they got nowhere. Repression, and the left's failures, aided the radical clerics led by Khomeini in their efforts to first co-opt and then crush the diverse coalition that resisted the Shah through street protests in 1978 and 1979. Anderson does an excellent job of narrating the extraordinary events of the revolution itself, drawing deft pictures of the protagonists, including the Shah's last hapless prime minister, the slightly absurd Francophile Shaphour Bakhtiar. He also interviewed the 86-ear-old former empress – who tried to the last to mitigate the consequences of her husband's increasingly wayward decisions – at her modest home in exile in the US. Anderson has dug deep into archives and published sources that cover the wilful blindness, inconsistency, hubris and ignorance that characterised US policy towards Iran in the years before 1979 and during the revolution itself. He has tracked down and interviewed many who were there, such as the mercurial and well-informed Michael Metrinko, a junior diplomat posted to Iran at the time, and other important players back in Washington. Anyone interested in the woeful roles of Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon will find much here, and the missteps of Jimmy Carter are described both fairly and accurately. Some of this is familiar, but Anderson's diligent research and reporting brings much that is fresh too. Inevitably, however, the emphasis on the US perspective and on US actors leaves less space for the multiple Iranian ones, which is a loss. King of Kings winds up pretty much with the beginning of the hostage crisis of November 1979. This is a wise decision, and allows a satisfactory conclusion. Anderson does allow himself a rapid survey of the following years, which in fact saw a 'second revolution' as seismic as the first. Modern Iran is as much a product of the domestic conflict that succeeded the revolution and the bloody eight-year Iran-Iraq war as of earlier events. The period saw the radical clerics led by Khomeini cement their hold on power through the merciless destruction of all internal opposition, the building of a solid institutional structure for the new regime and the expansion of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. This eventually led to the succession in 1989 of a new Supreme Leader, a relatively young, middle-ranking scholar who was committed to the revolutionary project, called Ali Khamenei. He remains in power today.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store