logo
Europe highlights plastic pollution at OOC Korea

Europe highlights plastic pollution at OOC Korea

Korea Herald06-05-2025
Europe highlighted ways to tackle marine plastic pollution at the 10th edition of Our Ocean Conference held in Busan, South Korea.
Under the theme 'Our Ocean, Our Action,' the conference brought together more than 2,600 ocean leaders from over 100 countries, resulting in 277 global pledges totaling $9.1 billion, according to Korea's Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries.
Speaking at the conference, Charlina Vitcheva, director-general for maritime affairs and fisheries at the European Commission, underscored the European Union's commitment to combat plastic pollution.
'The EU will remain firmly committed to finding a global solution to address plastic pollution,' Vitcheva said.
'A global plastics treaty is needed more than ever. If business as usual continues, plastic production will triple by 2060,' said Vitcheva, echoing warnings by the OECD that increasing plastic use — particularly in short-lived products — could drive a sharp rise in pollution unless urgent action is taken on reducing demand, improving durability and enhancing recycling.
The UN Environment Program estimates that 19 to 23 million metric tons of plastic waste currently enter aquatic ecosystems annually, threatening ecosystems, biodiversity and human livelihoods.
South Korea has pledged 3.7 trillion won ($2.7 billion) to advance its Korea Blue Action Plan, part of a broader international effort to promote ocean sustainability. The plan outlines 76 national commitments to preserve marine ecosystems and promote sustainable development, said the ministry.
This year's conference welcomed a delegation of 11 representatives from Germany, Greece, Ireland and other EU Member States to facilitate the maritime agenda and outreach activities for marine environmental protection.
According to the EU delegation in Korea, Busan City forged meaningful and tangible cooperation with the EU, recognizing its role and identity as a global ocean city.
Notably, a used fishing net recycling campaign was also held on April 28 as part of these efforts.
Despite the mounting global crisis, there are signs of progress, Vitcheva said, highlighting that marine litter on EU coastlines has dropped by nearly one-third, attributing the success to concerted efforts by governments, civil society and citizens, driven by the EU's Marine Strategy Framework Directive.
The EU delegation in Korea also stressed growing partnership with Korea under the EU-Korea Green Partnership, launched in 2023.
As part of the partnership, the EU delegation hosted a side event titled 'How the Circular Economy Will End Marine Plastic Pollution: A Joint Effort of Ambitious Policies and Innovative Businesses.'
The seminar convened global policymakers, industry leaders and civil society representatives to explore innovative solutions rooted in circular economy principles aimed at ending marine plastic pollution.
'We have the Green Partnership with Korea since 2023, and its key elements embrace cooperation towards developing new circular economy models, which are strategic in tackling global marine plastic pollution issues,' said EU Ambassador to Korea Maria Castillo Fernandez.
'We need to align our approaches to create a supportive framework for transformative innovation,' she said.
Meanwhile, Netherlands Ambassador to Korea Peter van der Vliet called for upstream solutions.
'It starts with smarter design, reuse systems and business models that reduce the burden on nature,' van der Vliet said, urging bold international policy to nurture innovation.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

[Barry Eichengreen] Trump in the Falklands
[Barry Eichengreen] Trump in the Falklands

Korea Herald

time2 days ago

  • Korea Herald

[Barry Eichengreen] Trump in the Falklands

US President Donald Trump's trade war resembles nothing so much as UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's Falklands War in 1982: One side deploys massive force, and the other withdraws with its tail between its legs. Of 57 countries and territories included in Trump's 'Liberation Day' list of targets for 'reciprocal' tariffs, just three — Brazil, Canada and China — are credibly threatening retaliation against the United States. The Heard and McDonald Islands, populated only by penguins, were understandably supine. But it is more than a little surprising that so many others have taken US aggression lying down, given expectations of tit-for-tat retaliation. The European Commission's agreement with the US is especially stunning in this respect. The Commission has accepted Trump's 15 percent baseline tariff, with exemptions only for aircraft parts, critical minerals and a couple of other items. US duties on steel, copper and aluminum remain at 50 percent. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has pledged that Europe will buy additional US energy and invest $600 billion in the US, although it is questionable whether such commitments are in fact within the Commission's remit. The Trump administration claims further that Europe will import more agricultural goods and loosen its restrictions on digital trade. In return, the EU receives basically nothing, only a US promise not to impose still higher tariffs, at least for now. Moreover, the deal enhances US exporters' access to European markets, while Europe's exporters face additional barriers in the US. Von der Leyen hails this agreement as putting an end to an extended period of tariff uncertainty, although for how long greater certainty lasts remains, well, uncertain. The outcome is widely seen as a sign of the EU's weakness, and there is more than a little merit to this view. The Commission had to negotiate an agreement on behalf of 27 countries with different positions on how aggressively Europe should respond. In France, there was considerable support for the idea that it was important to face down a bully. In Germany, by contrast, policy was shaped by automotive and machinery industries desperate to retain access to the US market on terms at least not grossly inferior to those obtained by Japan, South Korea and the United Kingdom. These differences left the Commission with little wiggle room. Then there is the fact that the EU continues to rely on the US for weaponry, and that it needs America's help in supporting Ukraine. Europe recognizes this vulnerability and is seeking to build up its defense and geopolitical capacities independent of the US. But substantial progress in this direction will take years. Europe likewise lacks a pressure point analogous to China's control of rare earth refining, which allows the Chinese government to threaten targeted retaliation by cutting off an essential input required by US high-tech industries and by the country's defense complex. Finally, like other economies contemplating how to respond, Europe faces a 'madman' problem. Normally, the strongest argument for retaliating is to deter further aggression. A rational leader will understand that launching a trade war, much like launching a conventional war, will provoke a counterattack in which his country suffers as much as his opponent's. But this strategy works only when leaders are rational. Trump's trade-policy decisions are clearly guided by an irrational belief in tariffs — 'the most beautiful word in the dictionary,' as he puts it — and by the perverse satisfaction he derives from punishing opponents and even allies, regardless of the costs to the US itself. Negotiators, not only in Europe, had good reason to fear that Trump would meet retaliation with retaliation, resulting in escalation and further damage. There is, however, a contrary view that Europe has shown strength, not weakness, in its response to Trump's trade war. Meeting tariffs with tariffs, especially when these have no deterrent effect, is simply a way of shooting oneself in the economic foot. Higher import prices fuel inflation and hurt consumers, and taxing imported inputs, as the US is doing, makes domestic production more costly and less efficient. At the same time, less import competition encourages rent seeking: Domestic producers will lobby for tariff concessions and make campaign contributions to obtain them. Thus, Europe has shown its wisdom in shunning self-destructive measures. It now needs to follow up by ratifying its free trade agreement with Latin America's Mercosur bloc, solidifying its trade relations with China, and recommitting to the multilateral trading system, whether the US participates in it or not. Something else that Trump's trade war and Thatcher's Falklands War have in common is their utility in distracting attention from their instigators' domestic problems — in Thatcher's case an unemployment crisis, and in Trump's the questions about the extent of his ties to the convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein, who hanged himself while awaiting trial on federal sex-trafficking charges. Helped by her victory in the South Atlantic, Thatcher would reign for eight more years. The US constitution prevents Trump from serving as president until 2033. Or so we are led to believe. Barry Eichengreen Barry Eichengreen, a professor of economics and political science at the University of California, Berkeley, is the author, most recently, of 'In Defense of Public Debt' (Oxford University Press, 2021). The views expressed here are the writer's own. — Ed.

[Graphic News] Russia overtakes Germany in beer output
[Graphic News] Russia overtakes Germany in beer output

Korea Herald

time3 days ago

  • Korea Herald

[Graphic News] Russia overtakes Germany in beer output

Russia has overtaken Germany as Europe's top beer producer for the first time in 12 years, brewing 9.1 billion liters in 2024 compared to Germany's 8.4 billion, according to the German business daily Handelsblatt. The shift is largely attributed to Russia's reduced trade with other European nations following the start of the Ukraine war, which spurred a boost in domestic production. Globally, China led with 34 billion liters, followed by the US (18 billion), Brazil (14.7 billion) and Mexico (14.5 billion), with Russia and Germany ranking 5th and 6th, respectively. While beer is not on the EU's sanctions list, European beer producers have faced criticism for continuing exports to Russia, which launched a military invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

[Editorial] Shifting trade rules
[Editorial] Shifting trade rules

Korea Herald

time5 days ago

  • Korea Herald

[Editorial] Shifting trade rules

Decline of WTO ushers in bilateral leverage, challenging Korea's export-driven economy A quiet yet drastic shift is underway: After three decades of World Trade Organization-led multilateralism, the United States has openly declared the system unsustainable. Writing in the New York Times on Thursday, US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer portrayed the WTO as a faltering institution that compromised American industry while enabling China's state-driven economic model to thrive. This is why the world is now witnessing the so-called 'Trump Round,' a new global trade order built not on consensus but on tariffs and bilateral leverage. In Washington's narrative, the multilateral model was naive: It presumed all members would abide by rules they helped to write. Instead, a system meant to bind China into fair competition allowed it to expand market share through subsidies, export controls and opaque regulation. Years of dispute-settlement paralysis left the WTO without a functioning appellate mechanism, further eroding credibility. What has replaced it is a model of direct bargaining, with tariffs deployed both as penalty and negotiating instrument. This has significant implications for South Korea. Its post-1995 export success was built on WTO access guarantees and predictable dispute resolution. Now the playing field is tilting toward power-based negotiation. Under the emerging bilateral terms with the US, Korean exports face a 15 percent tariff, offset partly by market-access pledges in other sectors and by Korean commitments to invest in US infrastructure and advanced industries. This is not a symmetrical arrangement. Washington controls the main 'carrot' — access to the largest consumer market in the world — and the principal 'stick' of targeted tariffs. The absence of binding multilateral enforcement means concessions will depend less on legal rulings and more on political calculation in both capitals. South Korea's first task in this environment is strategic clarity. It cannot treat US market access as a permanent right; it is now a conditional privilege. Securing continued access will require not only diplomacy in Washington but a clear sense of the trade-offs that domestic industry can accept. The second task is diversification. WTO's decline removes the institutional ballast that once made trade with China, the EU and Southeast Asia relatively predictable. Seoul must deepen ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the EU, accelerate talks for joining a major Asia-Pacific free trade agreement known as the CPTPP, and pursue sector-specific agreements that spread risk. The aim is not to decouple from the US but to avoid being trapped in a single-track export dependence. Third, Korea must adapt its industrial strategy. Semiconductors remain its core export, but the risk profile has changed. In a rules-light order, sectors less exposed to punitive tariffs — such as green technologies, biotechnology and digital services — will be vital hedges. Industrial policy should now focus as much on resilience as on speed of growth. Lastly, Seoul should not surrender the principle of rules altogether. Even in a fragmented system, there is room for 'mini-lateral' or regional frameworks that preserve predictable norms. CPTPP accession, deeper engagement with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and targeted high-standards pacts could help anchor at least part of South Korea's trade in enforceable obligations. The end of the WTO era is not the end of trade. It is the end of a certain kind of trade — one where a medium-sized economy like South Korea could rely on codified rules and impartial arbitration to protect market access. The new model prizes leverage, and those without it must find substitutes in alliances, diversification and innovation. The quiet demise of the WTO should be seen not as a collapse but as a strategic pivot. South Korea's track record of adaptation — from rapid industrialization to digital innovation — demonstrates its resilience amid profound change. The critical question now is whether it can convert this loss of certainty into a competitive edge before others seize the opportunity to define the new rules unilaterally.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store