Newspaper headlines from around the world - Tuesday, 20 May 2025
A bundle of newspapers on the table. Image: The South African/CANVA
Here are the stories that made headlines on the front pages of newspapers worldwide on Tuesday, 20 May 2025. The Jerusalem Post's front page reported that the Prime Minister said the IDF is overtaking Gaza to block Hamas's access to aid. China Daily's front page reported that the compilation of the 15th Five-Year Plan has been prioritised. The front page of Hindustan Times reported: 'No N-signal, Pakistan wasn't tipped off — Misri tells the panel.'
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Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
Tony Leon's new book delivers an insider's account of South African and global politics and personalities
Tony Leon's new book contains fascinating observations about previous foreign and South African leaders and their successes and failures. It also offers insider views on the negotiations to achieve the Government of National Unity. The book reads just like he would sound in a congenial conversation over dinner. We meet over coffee, just before Tony Leon goes to speak at the memorial service for his long-time friend and political colleague Douglas Gibson. At that service, Leon said of Gibson, in speaking of their party, post-1994, that: 'Reduced to just seven MPs and three senators, each of us had to juggle dozens of competing roles. His included chairman of the Federal Council, chief whip, spokesman on Justice and Transport and member of the rules committee. In navigating the revival of our party, Douglas was my essential partner and my closest collaborator, and in the snake pit of politics we forged a durable and deep friendship for which I am so deeply grateful.' His comments regarding his long-time friend's life and works highlight Leon's political trajectory as well. Even if some think Leon was too in-your-face for the politics of the new South Africa, (a political life that, to be fair, is pretty hard-knuckle) he deserves credit for helping set his party on its journey to being South Africa's official opposition, instead of being the marginal political force that it was, back in 1994. The party is now the second largest partner in the Government of National Unity, the second multiparty government since 1994 and in the first days of the country's racially integrated politics. We quickly get on to the business of speaking about his new book, Being There, and his thinking about the current and future challenges of South Africa's political and economic landscape. I remind him that we first met at a mutual friend's home over dinner in the years before the 1994 election. Back then, he was a junior parliamentarian and I was working at the US embassy, trying, like every diplomat assigned to this country, to gauge its rapidly changing political texture and what it would mean for the future. As a backbencher MP, Leon's reputation was as a new, bold — and even arrogant, for some — politician. Back then, it seemed he had crisp, definitive answers for every challenge. If he still has answers for many questions, he has also been tempered by a lifetime in politics. For those who may not remember, Leon was a member of the Progressive Party through its various iterations as it became, successively, the Progressive Federal Party, the Democratic Party and eventually the Democratic Alliance, or DA. Along the way, he may be best remembered as the face of a feisty party that once campaigned on the slogan, 'Fight Back!' For some, while that was read as a pushback against the new, all-race, democratic dispensation in South Africa, Leon would certainly have insisted, au contraire, it was a principled, succinct protest against the growing corruption, the lack of effective government administration and policing, and floundering efforts to build a strong economy and nurture job creation. But that is now old news. We have all moved on. Youngish elder Leaving Parliament, Leon served as South Africa's ambassador to Argentina — on behalf of an ANC government, nogal. More recently, he has moved away from government service and joined the corporate world. But earlier this year, the DA was poised to become a key element of the new Government of National Unity (GNU), as the ANC's faltering lock on national politics and the electorate had made one-party government impossible to maintain. His old party then called on Leon as a youngish elder to be a leading participant in the negotiations over the formation of that GNU. His description of those efforts comprises a significant portion of his new book. Leon believes the DA is becoming increasingly well-placed to position itself, in the future, as the core party of a new political landscape, as the governing party or leader of a coalition of like-minded political groups beyond the current political landscape. The first section of his book delivers insights about the lives and careers of several Middle Eastern leaders, including Yasser Arafat, Ariel Sharon and Shimon Peres (and, by contrast, the actions of the current Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Palestinian Authority leader, Mahmoud Abbas). There is also a more expansive essay on the essential nature and requisites of leadership — or the lack of it, nowadays. As Leon writes towards the end of Being There: 'In many ways, we inhabit — in the true sense — a leaderless world. Mostly, our leaders are either pedestrian placeholders or titanic ego-driven populists who use high office as an engine for self-enrichment or as an instrument of revenge against enemies, real or perceived. The Peronists in Argentina, the Zumas in South Africa, the Trumps in America and the Netanyahus in Israel — all are political grifters who set one section of society against the other. They weaponise differences and grievances, ride roughshod over rules and respect for others, and hijack public institutions for personal ends.' Leon's thoughts about populism ring about right, especially his thoughts over what he terms 'cakeism' — the appeal of would-be populist leaders and their promises that can destroy an economy. (Cue those apocryphal remarks of the queen of France about bread versus cake.) It seems entirely reasonable that such views were strengthened as he observed the glowing embers of Peronism when he was South Africa's ambassador in Argentina. Collectively, thoughts like these can easily be read as a critique of the current leaders in the Middle East. The second part of the book plays off Jesse Unruh's crisp summing up of the inevitable mix of money and politics: 'Money is the mother's milk of politics.' Unruh was a major figure in California state politics for decades, and he is on target, although there are occasionally other nutritional elements in that mix as well. (My favourite novel of politics is Robert Penn Warren's Pulitzer Prize-winning novel All the King's Men. There, Warren added the inevitability of sex as the third leg of the political triangle along with money and the temptations of power, although Leon left that third element out of his equation.) In this section, several chapters recount his fraught fundraising experiences for his party — especially since in the early days of the new dispensation, the Progressive Party/PFP/DP/DA was a minnow in a smallish pond that was also inhabited by a large shark. Another chapter includes a dissection of the public saga of Ronnie Kasrils, an approach that may have been encouraged by Kasrils' cheerleading for the Hamas militants in their 7 October 2023 attack on southern Israel. (Leon's spouse is Israeli-born born and Kasrils' language clearly infuriated Leon.) As Leon tells it, through the years of the South African liberation struggle, in exile, Kasrils had quietly been receiving a retainer from his brother-in-law, a prominent businessman in South Africa. But after Kasrils' comments on the 7 October massacre, that tap closed. Revenge, they say, is a dish best served cold, and so it has been served. Complex negotiations For many readers — those interested in the negotiations for the birthing of the GNU, and even more so, commentators and historians of South Africa's contemporary politics — Leon's detailed description of the complex negotiations between the ANC and the DA, together with some other parties leading to the formation of the GNU will be of genuine interest. Leon kept a diary throughout this entire engagement, and almost 100 pages of his book form a narrative built on those diary entries. In the future, it will be an important source for evaluations of those negotiations. Leon's recollections will be read together with those of all the others who participated in the negotiations, after they write their versions. The remaining pages of Being There include short essays on the successes and failures of FW de Klerk, Mangosuthu Buthelezi and Nelson Mandela. There is also a series of more personal reminiscences, labelled by the author as The Nostos. These include a deconstruction of the false charge that Leon's father had been responsible for sentencing the ANC operative Solomon Mahlangu to death years ago. In particular, Leon's experiences as an ambassador in Argentina during the desperate days in that country's last (so far) Peronista regime are particularly interesting, as Leon positions them as a cautionary tale of what happens when a country augers towards the ground economically and politically. Of special interest to this reader (because of his own experiences) were Leon's non-specialist but trenchant observations on Japan after visiting there. Japan has surmounted its World War 2 experience (and managed to put much of the resulting horrors aside), even as it continues to embrace many ancient traditions together with its contemporary political and economic policies designed for the benefit of a majority of its citizens. Beyond the book, our conversation also covered other topics, key among them being the current difficulties between the US and South Africa. I ask Leon who he thinks should be South Africa's ambassador to the US, or, perhaps, what kind of person should they be? Leon observes that the ambassadorial role has been diminished over the years (the recent presidents' meeting had no ambassadors present from either nation, as would usually have been the case in a meeting between two national presidents). Beyond the traditional diplomatic roles, more and more, Leon says, the job of an ambassador is to be their country's chief salesperson, instead of one of those old-style diplomats. Any new South African ambassador assigned to Washington will have a difficult policy to sell, especially given the two countries' Middle East positions. A key question now is that the Trumpian dog whistle to its Maga constituents is over DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) and, by extension, over South Africa's Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment policies. Speculating in the immediate wake of the presidential meeting, he notes that the approach of a possible equity equivalent for Starlink operations in South Africa may lead to changing the discussion. (Of course, crime is something that is always in the air in any discussions about South Africa, and it came up in that presidents' meeting as well. It was instructive, per Leon, that rebuttals about crime in that meeting came from a white South African billionaire.) We turn to the often-repeated accusation that the DA has a problem with black leaders. Leon responds that it is unfair to call every black leader's departure from DA leadership roles a failure of black leadership in the party. People leave political bodies for many reasons. However, he adds that the party needs to make it easier and more enticing for expatriated South Africans to return to the country and make real contributions. What of the DA's future? Leon says he is most interested in matters of policy rather than party management, as he is no longer an officer-holder. He believes that by being in the GNU, the DA has improved its legitimacy and prospects with many people. Its participation in the GNU has made it more 'kosher,' so to speak, and it may well gain further traction. He thinks that if the DA can maintain this trend, it will grow even as the ANC continues to make further reversals in support. The key question, of course, is how he views South Africa's future. Leon argues that most countries, except for places like Afghanistan or Sudan, don't explode or disintegrate. He acknowledges that there still is a lot of ruin in South Africa, but citizen action is stepping forward wherever it can. Taken as a whole, Leon seems cautiously optimistic about the country's future prospects, regardless of its current problems and its challenges. DM
IOL News
9 hours ago
- IOL News
Edgar Lungu's death sparks outcry, allegations of poisoning and political suppression
Secretary General of Zambia's Patriotic Front Raphael Mangani Nakacinda addressing a media round table in Sandton Johannesburg on the impasse between the Zambian government and the Patriotic Front. Medical Staff at the hospital that treated President Lungu say they have been threatened by Zambian government officials who wanted to remove and repatriate the presidents body to Zambia without the family's consent or knowledge. Former Zambian President Edgar Chagwa Lungu has died at the age of 68, with his final days clouded by political tension, medical struggles, and serious allegations of state-sponsored persecution. Lungu passed away on Thursday in a South African hospital, where he had been receiving treatment for an undisclosed illness. However, the official silence on the cause of death and mounting accusations from his political allies have sparked a storm of controversy, including claims that the former head of state may have been poisoned to prevent him from contesting the 2026 presidential elections. Lungu, who served as Zambia's sixth president from 2015 to 2021, had announced a political comeback in late 2023 after years of relative quiet following his electoral defeat to current President Hakainde Hichilema (popularly known as HH). But what began as a bid to return to the ballot box quickly turned into a contentious and, some claim, dangerous standoff with the ruling administration. A Contested Comeback Lungu's return to politics was met with immediate resistance from the Hichilema-led government. In December 2024, the Constitutional Court ruled that Lungu was ineligible to contest again, arguing that his first, partial term from 2015 to 2016 counted as a full term under Zambia's constitutional two-term limit. Lungu's legal team and supporters decried the judgment as politically motivated, pointing to his widespread popularity among grassroots voters and within opposition coalitions as a threat to the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND). But critics say the court ruling was just the beginning of a broader campaign to shut Lungu out of national politics. Stripped of Protection and Benefits Soon after his political re-entry, Lungu was stripped of all retirement benefits typically afforded to former heads of state. These included state-provided security, official transportation, medical support, and diplomatic privileges. The government justified the move by citing a legal provision that bars retired presidents from engaging in politics if they wish to retain those benefits. While technically legal, the action had far-reaching consequences for Lungu's safety and well-being. Without state protection, his movements were left exposed. More alarmingly, his access to healthcare, particularly urgent specialist treatment, was severely limited. Sources within the Patriotic Front (PF), Lungu's party, say repeated requests for travel permits to receive medical care abroad were delayed or denied.'He was denied not only political freedom but medical care too,' said a senior PF official. 'When it became clear that he needed to leave for urgent treatment, the government stalled. That decision may have cost him his life.' Allegations of Poisoning With the cause of Lungu's death yet to be officially confirmed, speculation is growing that he may have been deliberately poisoned. Though no forensic evidence has been made public, the PF is calling for an independent international investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death. His daughter, Tasila Lungu-Mwansa, confirmed in a public statement that her father had been unwell for weeks and had travelled to South Africa under medical supervision. However, she also alluded to the family's belief that his condition may have been the result of "external interference" — a veiled reference to suspected foul play. PF leaders have taken a more direct stance. 'This was not a natural death,' said Brian Mundubile, a close ally of Lungu. 'We believe this was orchestrated to eliminate him politically and permanently.' Restricted Movement and Surveillance Beyond the courtroom and hospital bed, Lungu's daily life was increasingly policed. Police were reportedly stationed outside his home, monitoring his activities and restricting public engagements. Even routine morning jogs and Sunday church services were flagged as political activity and discouraged or blocked by law enforcement.'It was humiliation, plain and simple,' said one family confidant. 'He was a former president being treated like a common criminal just for exercising and praying.' Human rights activists and opposition figures have condemned the government's treatment of Lungu as not only unconstitutional but dangerous for Zambia's democratic fabric. 'What happened to President Lungu sets a dangerous precedent,' said a representative of the Zambia Human Rights Commission. 'If a former president can be silenced this way, what protection exists for the ordinary citizen?'
The Star
12 hours ago
- The Star
EFF's Julius Malema is ‘quietly' singing ‘Hallelujah hosanna' over Trump-Musk fallout
EFF leader Julius Malema is 'quietly enjoying' the dramatic fallout between US President Donald Trump and billionaire Elon Musk, the two figures who have long criticised him over his outspoken rhetoric, radical political views, including the controversial "Kill the Boer" chant. The two had previously accused Malema of inciting violence against white farmers. The red berets have denounced the claim. The latest split between the former allies who were once bound by political interests appears to align with Malema's long-standing opposition to both. Trump, in a televised Oval Office tirade, said he was "very disappointed" in Musk after the tech billionaire criticised his spending bill. Musk fired back on X (formerly Twitter), accusing Trump of ingratitude, claiming credit for his 2024 win, and even referencing unverified claims linking Trump to Jeffrey Epstein. The feud has political and economic fallout. Tesla shares dropped, Musk threatened to withdraw from a major US space programme, and Trump also hinted at pulling Musk's government contracts. The clash comes amid rising tensions between the US and South Africa. Tensions between the two countries have intensified since Trump's second term. Last month, during a high-level meeting with President Cyril Ramaphosa and the Trump administration in Washington, aimed at mending diplomatic relations between the two countries, Malema took centre stage. Trump played clips of Malema singing the 'Kill the boer' chant, which he argued incites violence against white farmers, but the red berets rubbished the claim. Trump called for Malema's arrest and denounced South Africa's land reform as 'land seizure.' IOL News previously reported that Malema has vowed to continue singing the controversial song despite strong criticism from Trump. The US also cut HIV/AIDS funding and granted refugee status to 49 white South Africans, claiming racial discrimination, which Pretoria has vehemently rejected. With Musk born in South Africa and now publicly clashing with Trump, Malema 'may' see this as more than political theatre, which is possibly a moment of vindication. Speaking with IOL News, Professor Theo Neethling, from the University of Free State's Department of Political Studies and Governance, said the fallout between Trump and Musk was 'long predictable.' 'The Trump-Musk fallout was long predictable, and even if the EFF delights in it, the fact remains that the United States conducts diplomatic relations with the South African government, not with the EFF…,' he said. 'The EFF is a relatively small party, as President Ramaphosa pointed out to Trump, and it is not relevant in South Africa's international relations.' Neethling emphasised that diplomatic relations are maintained between the US government and South African government, not with political outliers. 'The Trump administration also conducts its relations with the South African government, and what carries much more weight in the US than Elon Musk are the views and roles of top Republican voices like JD Vance, Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz. They will be decisive in the future US-South Africa relations.' Commenting on the developments of Trump and Musk clashing, Neethling said Malema will continue 'loudly in his rhetoric of African self-reliance,' but South Africa's Government of National Unity (GNU) understands the importance of maintaining relations with the US, which is the largest economy in the world. 'Around 600 American companies invest and do business here in South Africa and contribute to job creation,' he told IOL News. 'The Minister of Finance (Enoch Godongwana) also rightly pointed out recently that if the US does not want to do business with a country, it places that country on the periphery of international trade and investment.' According to Neethling, the Trump and Musk fallout will have no impact on future US and South Africa relations. 'Again, top Republican voices like JD Vance, Marco Rubio, and Ted Cruz are what matter, as well as those of senior officials in the White House.' Meanwhile, independent political analyst Goodenough Mashego also expressed his views on the Trump and Musk fallout, adding that Malema is probably 'enjoying' seeing the two clash. 'I think Julius Malema is really enjoying, is really reveling at what is happening because it absorbs him in a way to say, look, two liars are now fighting. You know, they say, do not disturb. Napoleon Bonaparte once said, don't disturb your enemy when he's making a mistake.' Mashego said he believes that Malema is currently not in any mood to disturb what he called 'enemies' as they make mistakes. 'I hope he doesn't tweet. I hope he just watches the show. He just enjoys reading Elon Musk and Donald Trump's Truth Social tweets. So that, you know, I think it's a marvel…' He added, 'think EFF, I think Julius Malema, he now knows that the person who's been whispering into Donald Trump's eye is no longer in the picture, which means the rhetoric from the part of the White House towards him is going to be limited because Trump doesn't have an original opinion.' 'All that he's saying is a megaphone. He's just saying what other people want him to say. So I think this is really the end of the Que de Bois charade that Donald Trump used to stage. And it's the end of that whole obsession by Donald Trump with Elon Musk, because going forward, with the Que de Bois, because going forward, whatever Elon Musk says relating to South Africa, I think one of the people is going to really try to ridicule it will be Donald Trump.' 'So they have two fools, two buffoons, really ridiculing each other,' Mashego added. He described the fallout between Trump and Trump as a Christmas for the EFF. 'Well, I don't think it really gives Malema a chance to push his message of self-reliance because self-reliance needs not be pushed through rhetoric. It needs to be pushed through doing.' IOL News has sent questions to the EFF, requesting their input on the latest development between Trump and Musk, and will be updated once received. [email protected] IOL Politics
