
Film claims to name killer of slain journalist Shireen Abu Akleh
Abu Akleh, a Palestinian-American journalist known for her coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict, was shot dead in Jenin in the north of the occupied West Bank while she worked, wearing a bulletproof vest marked "press."
Al Jazeera and witnesses immediately blamed the Israeli army. Then Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett said it was probable the shots had come from Palestinian militants.
In the weeks that followed, several journalistic investigations pointed the blame at Israeli gunfire.
Months later, Israel released an internal investigation that found a "high probability" that Abu Akleh was accidentally shot by the Israeli army, which claimed it was targeting armed Palestinians.
Produced by independent news site Zeteo, the documentary "Who killed Shireen?" names for the first time the suspect as Alon Scaggio, an elite soldier.
"Israel did everything it could to conceal the soldier's identity, they wouldn't provide the US with any information. They wouldn't let the US interview him. They wouldn't give the US his statement. And they wouldn't give his name," said Dion Nissenbaum, a journalist who worked on the film.
Assisted by producer Conor Powell and reporter Fatima AbdulKarim -- who worked for The New York Times in the West Bank -- Nissenbaum, a former Wall Street Journal correspondent, consulted testimony from two Israeli soldiers present in Jenin on May 11, 2022 as well as top US officials.
The documentary alleges that Scaggio, then 20, had completed training for the elite Duvdevan unit just three months prior.
"He shot her intentionally. There's no question about that. The question is did he know she was a journalist and did he know she was Shireen Abu Akleh? Was it an order from above?" Nissenbaum told AFP.
"Personally, I don't think it was an order. I don't think he knew it was Shireen. Nobody ever has indicated that he could tell that it was Shireen. But she was wearing the blue flak-jacket with the word 'press' on it."
HANDOUT/AFP/File | -
"The evidence (suggests)... it was an intentional killing of Shireen Abu Akleh. Whether or not they knew it was her or not can very well be debated, but they would have absolutely known that it was a media person or a non-combatant at a minimum," said a senior official from the administration of then-US president Joe Biden, speaking in the film anonymously.
Washington did not exert significant pressure on the issue, the documentary claims, for fear of antagonising its ally.
Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen said he called on Biden to declassify documents about the killing -- but went unanswered.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said "it is the first time that a potential suspect has been named in connection with an Israeli killing of a journalist" according to its records dating back to 1992.
Impunity in the case "has effectively given Israel permission to silence hundreds more" journalists, the CPJ said.
Reporters Without Borders estimates around 200 journalists were killed in the past 18 months of Israeli strikes on Gaza.
An Israeli army spokesman condemned the unauthorized disclosure of the suspect's name despite no "definitive determination" of who shot Abu Akleh.
The soldier in question "fell during an operational activity," the army added.
Nissenbaum had initially thought Scaggio died in Gaza, but ultimately concluded he was killed in Jenin on June 27, 2024 almost two years after Abu Akleh.
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It is a genocide transmitted in real time, watched by millions of outraged people around the world and by complicit leaders, journalists, academics, and religious figures, especially in the West and in the Arab world. The Palestinian genocide that has been unfolding for the last 20 months has shown up the fallacy of the international rule of law - permitting Israel the right to carry out this genocide in the full glare of world attention; and also turning a blind eye to Israeli occupation, violent settler colonialism and the denial of Palestinian human rights and sovereignty since Israel's official establishment in 1948. The increasing evidence of the genocide in Gaza, which includes scholasticide, has not sufficiently galvanised many institutions, such as universities, including many in South Africa. While a few South African universities have taken a brave stand, such as the University of Fort Hare and Nelson Mandela University, and thereby risked not only public opprobrium from sectors of South African society but also much-needed funding, other universities blithely carry on 'with business as usual'. Debates in some institutions invariably devolve into spurious and disingenuous comparisons with atrocities in other parts of the world – the by-now common 'whataboutism' – to even more fallacious arguments about a complex situation, two-sidedism, 'not our problem', and the 'hand-wringing, what can we do' argument. The global solidarity we garnered in our struggle against apartheid is a long-distant memory for some. For others who were quite comfortable with apartheid, the international cultural, academic, sports, and economic boycott against apartheid South Africa was an outrage. For such South Africans, a similar outrage should not be perpetrated against Israel, a historical ally of the apartheid government. The inaction and 'apolitical neutrality' of historically white universities, which were bastions and intellectual playgrounds of apartheid, is particularly shameful and is indicative of the superficiality of transformation in these institutions as well as the lack of a genuine commitment to the pursuit of justice. While university leaders spout empty rhetoric about transformation, the pursuit of justice, and responsiveness to local and global issues, their inaction is more telling of their complicity. Erasure through violence and destruction of both tangible and intangible traces of place and belonging, and denial of sovereignty and personhood are core elements of settler colonialism, whether in the Americas, Australia, Africa, or Palestine. These core elements are inextricably linked to race and ethnicity. Thus, as early as 1917, the discourse of erasure and denial of sovereignty and personhood is already clearly evident in the Balfour Declaration, which not only favoured 'the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people', but also posited the Palestinians as the 'other' in contradistinction to the Jewish people. Historian Avi Shlaim argues that the genocide in Gaza is a 'direct result of the Balfour Declaration'. It set in motion the colonisation of historic Palestine and the systemic erasure of native Palestinians. Whereas Jews constituted only 10% of the population and owned a meagre two per cent of the land by 1917, the so-called British Mandate facilitated the mass invasion of mainly European Jews into Palestine and the displacement of Palestinians. This freed up land for Jewish settlements in historic Palestine to create the state of Israel. This process of colonisation continues to this day, and explains why Britain, despite mass support from its citizens for the national liberation of Palestine, has provided unconditional support to Israel in the commission of the genocide in Gaza since October 2023. Defined by racism, oppression, and brutal violence, the Zionist project in Israel has consistently and continually sought to erase the Palestinian presence in its onward march to 'Greater Israel'. This march to 'Greater Israel' has gathered a violent pace in the past 20 months. Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, Palestinian and foreign aid workers, predominantly Palestinian journalists, medical personnel, teachers, and academics, children, and the old are all cannon fodder to the Israeli march to 'Greater Israel'. 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