Israeli drone strike kills three in south Lebanon
At least three people were killed in a drone strike in southern Lebanon on Tuesday, a day after the Israeli military carried out attacks across the area that it said were against Hezbollah targets.
The deaths were confirmed by Lebanon's Health Ministry, which said an drone struck a car in Kfardjal in the Nabatieh district. Lebanese media reported the victims were a man who had run a money exchange in southern Beirut and was alleged to have financial ties to Hezbollah, and his two sons.
The Israeli military did not issue a statement on the attack – the latest in near-daily breaches of a US-brokered ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel that took hold in November after 14 months of fighting.
On Monday, Israel launched a wave of air strikes on towns and villages north of the Litani river, which runs about 30km from the Lebanon-Israel border. The outskirts of Zrariyeh, Kfrar Melki, Mahmoudiyah, Al Hatta, Ansar, Al Bisariya and Al Wardiya were hit, causing fires but no casualties, Lebanon's National News Agency said.
The Israeli military said it had struck 'sites belonging to Hezbollah containing rocket and missile launchers, along with weapons storage facilities', and added it would 'continue to operate to remove any threat'.
Hezbollah has largely withdrawn its forces from south of the Litani as part of the terms of the truce, Lebanese authorities have told The National. The agreement requires the Lebanese government to dismantle all Hezbollah facilities, infrastructure and military positions 'starting with the southern Litani area' within 60 days – but it did not set a timeline for dismantling the group's positions north of the river.
Israel has continued its attacks on Hezbollah while also launching an aerial war against Iran, the group's patron. However, Hezbollah, now politically and militarily constrained after significant losses in its war with Israel, has not signalled any intent to support Tehran in the fight. 'Iran can defend itself,' a Hezbollah official told The National last week.
Prime Minister Nawaf Salam addressed Israel's ceasefire violations at a press conference with his Qatar counterpart Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman in Doha.
'We're working on extending the [Lebanese] state's authority across its territory. There can be no stability in Lebanon without Israel's full withdrawal, especially from the five points it is still occupying," he said.
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The National
an hour ago
- The National
Iran's proxies could go 'underground' to gain new advantage, nominee for Centcom chief says
Iranian proxies such as Hezbollah and Hamas are significantly degraded, but they could pose future problems by 'going underground', the nominee to head the US Central Command said on Tuesday. Vice Admiral Brad Cooper was speaking before a Senate Armed Forces Committee hearing focused on his selection to lead Centcom, which is tasked with overseeing US military interests and assets in the Middle East. 'As we've seen throughout the region, groups are going underground, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis. This is a serious issue that we will have to look at in the future,' he said. He added that, having visited Israel's subterranean commando unit that goes after groups that operate from tunnels, he suggested focusing on sensors and ammunition to combat the threat. Hamas, the militant group that rules Gaza and is engaged in a protracted war with Israel, relies on an extensive network of tunnels. Using these tunnels, the group has been able to carry out attacks – including the 2023 offensive on southern Israel – build weapons, and smuggle materials and people throughout the coastal enclave and even across borders. 'Whether we're talking about Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, the Iranians, other adversaries are clearly watching and see where they can gain advantage,' Vice Admiral Cooper said. With regard to Iran, Vice Admiral Cooper acknowledged the possibility of an Iranian blockade of the Strait of Hormuz but said Centcom was ready to respond. 'It is a complex problem, for sure, but it's a small, narrow waterway,' he told senators. 'The key to this is getting to the left of the problem, establishing a deterrent posture, which we have today, and then keeping our eyes on Iranian activity.' Iran's Parliament on Sunday threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial waterway through which about 20 per cent of the world's petroleum is shipped, in response to US strikes on Tehran's nuclear infrastructure a day earlier. Closing it could have dire consequences for global energy markets. Senators raised the idea that Iran could attempt to lay mines across the strait, blocking commercial traffic, and asked how quickly the US could respond. Vice Admiral Cooper said the specifics were highly classified, 'but historically in mine warfare, nothing happens quickly – I think we would think of this in terms of weeks and months, not days'. The US on Saturday carried out an attack against three sites that make up the core of Iran's nuclear programme, out of fear the country had been close to developing a nuclear weapon. Israel launched a 'pre-emptive' attack on Iran days earlier, with the stated goal of stopping it from building a nuclear weapon. A damage assessment is continuing and it is unclear whether the strikes resulted in the obliteration of Iran's uranium enrichment capabilities, as has been claimed by the White House. But Vice Admiral Cooper said the world is a safer place with Iran being pushed farther away from building a nuclear weapon. He added, however, that Iran still has 'significant tactical capability' despite the strike, as demonstrated by its limited retaliatory missile strike on a US military base in Qatar. Responding to a senator who asked whether Tehran still poses a threat to US troops and Americans, he said: 'They do.' On the Iran-backed Houthis, with the ceasefire between the Yemeni group and the US having lasted 40 days, Vice Admiral Cooper said the ball was in their court. 'We're prepared for a range of actions, but I think the policies associated with the ceasefire remain in place, and we'll just be prepared, from a military perspective, for a wide range of contingencies,' he said, noting that freedom of navigation has been restored to the Red Sea. US President Donald Trump ordered an intense, daily bombing campaign of Houthi positions in Yemen after the group continued to launch strikes against commercial shipping. The Houthis, who are allied to Hamas, began striking commercial vessels transiting the Red Sea with the advent of the Israel-Gaza war, vowing to target any ship believed to be connected to Israel. Despite the ceasefire and restored freedom of navigation, Vice Admiral Cooper cautioned that 'it took several months for the flow of commerce to leave the Red Sea; I would expect it's going to take several months for it to fully come back'. Lt Gen Alexus Grynkewich, who appeared alongside Vice Admiral Cooper to make his case for becoming Supreme Allied Commander Europe, added that the 'Houthis are likely to be a persistent problem'.
Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
What the Israel-Iran-US conflict taught Pakistan
The freshly thawed conflict between Israel and Iran, including recent US strikes targeting Iran's nuclear facilities, placed Pakistan in a fragile position, caught between regional loyalties and strategic considerations. Islamabad shares a 905‑km border with Iran across the province of Balochistan, a porous and volatile region where cross-border militant networks are already active. Historically, Iran was the first country to recognise Pakistan in 1947, and supported it in the 1965 and 1971 wars with India, building enduring political and cultural ties. Pakistan has responded to the Iran-Israel standoff by extending what it describes as 'unequivocal and unambiguous' diplomatic and moral support to Tehran, strongly condemning Israeli air strikes, along with the US attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities, as blatant violations of Iran's sovereignty and international law. While Iran acknowledged and welcomed Islamabad's solidarity, Pakistan deliberately avoided making military commitments, underscoring its caution. On Monday, Iran launched a choreographed attack on a US base in Qatar as retaliation for US strikes. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters While the strikes were followed by US President Donald Trump declaring a ceasefire between Israel and Iran, the conflict cemented the notion that growing volatility in the Middle East can easily land on Pakistan's doorstep in South Asia. Engagement with Washington A meeting on 19 June at the White House between Field Marshal Asim Munir, Pakistan's army chief, and US President Donald Trump underscored Pakistan's heightened diplomatic mobilisation. The meeting was framed primarily around Pakistan's role in diffusing a recent India-Pakistan conflict, but the ongoing Iran-Israel confrontation at the time, and the potential for direct US military involvement, were central to the discussions, experts believe. After the meeting, Trump said that 'Pakistan knows Iran very well, better than most', and added that Islamabad was 'not happy' with the current escalation. 'In every respect, this conflict is likely to have serious repercussions for Pakistan, and we must begin preparing for its impact' - Pakistani security official While US officials extended public thanks for Pakistan's help in de-escalating regional flare-ups, Islamabad emphasised that it had offered no military advice and advocated for diplomacy, citing potential harm to US interests as unwise. Following his four-day visit to the United States, General Asim Munir travelled directly to Turkey to attend an emergency summit of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, which was convened to address the Iran-Israel crisis. Pakistan also abstained from a recent International Atomic Energy Agency vote condemning Iran, reinforcing its diplomatic caution. However, Pakistani security officials have expressed concern that the country may not be able to shield itself from the spillover effects of the Iran conflict. 'In every respect, this conflict is likely to have serious repercussions for Pakistan, and we must begin preparing for its impact,' a security official based in Islamabad told Middle East Eye. Sectarian tensions Pakistan's security outlook with regard to Iran is shaped by a complex matrix of historical ties, geographical proximity and sectarian sensitivities, placing Islamabad in a strategically precarious position. While Pakistan is a majority Sunni country, it is home to a sizeable Shia minority, estimated on the low end to constitute between 15–20 percent of its nearly 250 million citizens. This community holds deep religious, cultural and emotional ties with Iran, widely viewed by Shia Muslims as a spiritual and ideological centre. These connections make Pakistan's position particularly delicate, as the appetite for national militarism rises in the Middle East. Analysts and Shia leaders warn that any overt support by Islamabad for military action against Iran, or even a stance of perceived neutrality, could exacerbate sectarian tensions and trigger political unrest. Pakistan has a long and often violent history of sectarian conflict, usually inflamed by geopolitical shifts in the Muslim world. 'Targeting him (Ayatollah Khamenei) would provoke serious emotional and political consequences, including within Pakistan' - Syed Ali Rizvi, Shia cleric In Karachi, Pakistan's largest city, thousands marched on Sunday in protest against US and Israeli strikes on Iran. 'Any alignment with a western or Israeli-led offensive against Tehran would not only alienate a significant portion of our population but could also destabilise the internal security fabric of the country,' Syed Ali Raza Rizvi, a Shia cleric in Karachi, told MEE. Rizvi warned that attempts to forcibly dislodge Iran's clerical leadership would carry profound repercussions. 'Ayatollah Khamenei is not like Mullah Omar, Saddam Hussein, or Bashar al-Assad. He is a marja [religious authority], a source of emulation for millions of Shias worldwide. Targeting him would provoke serious emotional and political consequences, including within Pakistan.' Some experts noted that Shia groups in Pakistan, including influential figures in mainstream political parties, could pressure the government to adopt a more assertive pro-Iran stance. Last year, Pakistan banned the Zainabiyoun Brigade, a militia reportedly backed by Iran and known for recruiting Pakistani Shia youth to fight alongside the now ousted Assad government in Syria, Tehran's key ally before its collapse in December. 'We saw how emotionally charged the atmosphere became in Pakistan after the US drone strike that killed General Qassem Soleimani in 2020,' said Ali Hilal, a Karachi-based analyst on Middle Eastern affairs. Pakistan-Iran border fallout The 905-km border along Pakistan's southwestern province of Balochistan is known for its porous frontiers and overlapping ethnic communities. On the Iranian side lies Sistan-Baluchestan, home to similar Baloch populations. Much in a similar vein to its border with Afghanistan, cross-border ethnic ties further south complicate Pakistan's ability to remain insulated from regional instability. Analysts stress the risk that instability in Iran could create 'ungoverned spaces' along the Pakistan border, fueling militant movements and reigniting separatist ambitions. 'Iran's internal conflict dynamics are never fully contained within its borders - they inevitably spill over into Pakistan, particularly in Balochistan, where a separatist insurgency is already simmering,' said Imtiaz Baloch, an Islamabad-based researcher specialising in cross-border ethnic movements and regional militancy. Why did Pakistan and Iran bomb each other and then become friends again? Read More » Islamabad and Tehran have traded accusations for years: Pakistan claims Iran offers refuge to Pakistani separatists such as the Baloch Liberation Army and Baloch Liberation Front, while Iran accuses Pakistan of harbouring Iranian Sunni militants, including Jaish al‑Adl. Tensions flared in January 2024 when both struck each other's territory with missiles, a rare but serious escalation. The idea of a pan-Baloch homeland, often referred to as 'Greater Balochistan', has gained renewed traction among militant and nationalist circles. Groups such as the Free Balochistan Movement, led by Hyrbyair Marri, a self-exiled Baloch separatist based in the UK, have openly advocated for an independent Baloch state carved out of both Pakistan and Iran. The resurgence of such rhetoric, analysts warn, could further destabilise the volatile border region. Islamabad has already sealed five border crossings and launched countermeasures in Balochistan since mid‑June to curb militant infiltration and deter refugee influx, recalling the Afghan refugee crises after the Soviet invasion in 1979 and the Taliban's takeovers in 1996 and 2021. Nukes and Israeli air supremacy Another critical concern for Pakistan stems from the precedent set by US and Israeli air strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities - and the potential extension of Israeli aerial dominance near Pakistan's western frontier. The strikes are particularly alarming for Islamabad, a nuclear-armed state bordering its long-time rival, India, another nuclear power. The notion that one country can target another's nuclear infrastructure with apparent impunity raises profound questions about the erosion of global non-proliferation norms, experts said. 'Israel achieving total air dominance over Iran would dramatically shift the regional security calculus and threaten the strategic balance' - Pakistani foreign ministry official 'Pakistan has condemned the US attack on nuclear sites, possibly with the thought of the dangerous precedent that it sets in its hostility with India,' said Farhan Hanif Siddiqi, a professor at the school of politics and international relations at Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad. Siddiqui added that Pakistan had to assert that its nuclear capabilities and deterrence aren't aimed westward. "It (Pakistan) has made it clear that its strategic and nuclear forces remain directed at India and not any other country,' Siddiqi told MEE. A less direct but equally profound concern for Pakistan, which does not recognise Israel and views it as an enemy, is the reported expansion of Israeli air superiority deep into Iranian airspace. Both Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Trump publicly claimed that Israeli forces were able to take total control of Tehran's skies, a declaration that didn't go unnoticed in Islamabad. 'Israel achieving total air dominance over Iran would dramatically shift the regional security calculus and threaten the strategic balance on Pakistan's western flank,' said a Pakistani foreign ministry official. 'It is not just an Iranian concern. It sets a dangerous precedent that could reverberate across the region, including here in South Asia.' Reset in US-Pakistan relations Islamabad saw the Munir-Trump meeting as a vital diplomatic reset after strained ties under the Biden administration, where issues like Pakistan's missile programme had soured US perceptions. After a shaky ceasefire, US and Israel can hardly claim to have deterred Iran Read More » The Pakistan military's media wing, Inter-Services Public Relations, boasted that the meeting achieved more in three days than India had in three decades - underscoring Islamabad's pride in repositioning itself at the centre of US strategic attention. 'Pakistan values its renewed relations with Iran but not at the cost of relations with the US, which it has tried hard to reset, given the recent Trump-Munir meeting,' said Siddiqi. But some analysts caution against interpreting the meeting as a fundamental shift in US policy. They note that Washington's relationship with Pakistan has historically been driven by short-term strategic needs rather than long-term alignment. 'US policy toward Pakistan is unchanging from administration to administration and transactional, as always,' Shuja Nawaz, a Washington-based political analyst and author of The Battle for Pakistan: The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighbourhood, said on X. 'Pakistan needs to strengthen itself within its neighborhood to remain relevant and useful to its friends in both America and China. Nawaz emphasised that Pakistan's leadership, civilian and military, must draw lessons from history. 'A stronger polity and a strong economy. Otherwise, it will be at the mercy of its misalliances.' High‑wire act Pakistan's most pressing challenge continues to be its long-held policy of strategic non-alignment, often referred to as 'no-camp politics', as tensions in the Middle East refuse to die down. The recent flare-up between Israel, Iran and the US pushed Islamabad's ability to tread its careful middle path to the brink. Pakistan will count itself as lucky if the Israel-Iran ceasefire holds and the US chooses the negotiating table. Pakistan's position is made more precarious by internal vulnerabilities, including the rise of terrorism after the Taliban's recapture of Afghanistan in 2021, sectarian sensitivities, economic strain and political instability. Coupled with external pressures from competing global powers seeking regional footholds, Pakistan once again could find itself in the unenviable position it found itself during the US's global "war on terror". 'The concern is that there are no free lunches in Washington,' said the Pakistani security official, alluding to historical precedents. 'We've seen this before, becoming a frontline state against the Soviets in 1979, and again post-9/11 against al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Each time, the cost to internal security and national cohesion was enormous.' Whether Pakistan can avoid being drawn into a new US-led security group or choose its own path focused on regional peace will be a key challenge for its diplomacy in the coming months. For now, Islamabad will continue to attempt its balancing act without a clear path forward.
Middle East Eye
3 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
What Iran achieved during the conflict with Israel
After an 11th hour exchange of fire, and a sweary address to reporters from Donald Trump, Israel and Iran have ceased hostilities. The US president announced a 'complete and total ceasefire' late on Monday, ending 11 days of clashes. Israel launched attacks on Iran on 13 June, saying that it wanted to remove any chance of Tehran developing nuclear weapons. It attacked Iranian nuclear and military facilities, and assassinated high-profile security, intelligence and military figures, as well as nuclear scientists. Tehran, which denies it seeks a nuclear weapon, retaliated with ballistic missile strikes on Israeli towns and cities. At least 439 Iranians were killed and 28 in Israel. While the assault left Iran undoubtedly damaged, it nonetheless provided lessons about its nuclear and military capabilities, as well as the domestic standing of the Islamic Republic itself. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Nuclear strategy rethink There is little question that Iran suffered a setback on its nuclear programme, according to Mohammad Eslami, an expert on the proliferation of conventional and unconventional weapons in the Middle East. 'Precision Israeli strikes severely damaged key components of Iran's nuclear infrastructure,' Eslami told Middle East Eye, citing a heavy water reactor at Arak, uranium enrichment facilities in Natanz and Fordow, and research labs in Isfahan. 'These sites represented decades of accumulated technical effort and institutional knowledge,' he said. The level of damage that Israeli, and later US, strikes inflicted on Iran's nuclear sites is not fully clear. Iranian authorities are currently carrying out assessments to determine the extent of the damage. No nuclear fallout has been reported at the sites. Several nuclear scientists were also killed by Israel. 'Building infrastructure is one thing; rebuilding a generation of homegrown scientists with deep expertise in nuclear physics, engineering and centrifuge design is far harder,' said Eslami. 'Possessing a nuclear infrastructure without a credible deterrent leaves it vulnerable to high-precision attacks' - Mohammad Eslami, weapons proliferation expert As for Iran's nuclear diplomacy in the near future, the conflict may have given it a clearer sense of how to move forward. Up to now, US intelligence assessments suggest that Iran is not yet actively pursuing the manufacture of a nuclear weapon, and that it is years away from being able to produce one anyway. Iran is a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and insists that it has a sovereign right to enrich uranium for civilian purposes. Its supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, previously issued a fatwa ruling that Iran could not pursue a nuclear weapon. After the events of the last few days, however, some ordinary Iranians have taken to the streets and demanded that Tehran go ahead and obtain nuclear weapons as a deterrent. 'Possessing a nuclear infrastructure without a credible deterrent leaves it vulnerable to high-precision attacks,' said Eslami. He added that while Iran tries to insist that it has the right to a civilian nuclear programme, pursuing such an approach could open it to confrontation. 'One lesson Iran may internalise is that strategic ambiguity - neither confirming nor denying its capabilities - might be a more sustainable path going forward,' Eslami added. That would be comparable to Israel's own nuclear strategy, which is shrouded in secrecy. Israel has never publicly acknowledged that it has a nuclear arsenal. Military 'can surive and retaliate' Iran suffered blows to its military infrastructure too. Israel directly struck military assets, including missile launchers. It has also likely burned through a significant chunk of its existing arsenal of ballistic missiles, which will now need replacing. 'Despite its losses, Iran's missile programme made a powerful impression. Its projectiles repeatedly breached Israeli and allied regional air defence systems, impacting both civilian and military targets,' said Eslami. 'Iran has shown that it can not only survive, but retaliate in meaningful ways. That capability cements its status as a regional military power.' Trump says Israel and Iran 'don't know what the fuck they're doing' Read More » The strikes on cities like Tel Aviv and Haifa caused major damage, completely destroying apartment buildings and other sites. While Israel has withstood rockets and missiles from Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis over the past two years, none of these groups managed to inflict the level of cross-border damage seen in recent days. Ali Rizk, a Lebanese political and security analyst, said that Iran showed its allies in the region how far it is willing to engage in direct military action. In recent years, Iran has been less prone to direct attacks, relying more on proxy warfare via its allied groups. 'Iran wasn't even silent on American attacks,' Rizk told MEE, referring to Iran's retaliatory strike on the US's al-Udeid military base in Qatar on Monday. 'It was a symbolic attack, but nevertheless… The fact that Iran also insisted on responding to that, gave more and more reassurance to its allies of how far Iran is willing to go.' War rallied Iranian people Beyond nuclear and military considerations, there were far more existential questions posed over the past two weeks, regarding whether the Islamic Republic would survive until the end of the war. Both Israeli and US leaders insinuated regime change was one of the conflict's key aims, in addition to curbing Iran's nuclear ambitions. Ultimately, however, there was no groundswell in support of overthrowing the government and political system on the streets of Iran. 'The United States is not in the business of pursuing regime change against Iran. It still deems that to be too risky of an endeavour' - Ali Rizk, analyst 'One of the most important conclusions to draw is that the United States is not in the business of pursuing regime change against Iran,' said Rizk. 'It still deems that to be too risky of an endeavour.' Despite Iran having a shaky few months on the global stage - with the fall of Bashar al-Assad's autocratic government in Syria, as well as the severe weakening of Hezbollah during its war with Israel - Netanyahu was still unable to persuade the US to help it overthrow the Islamic Republic. Rizk says that the war may have had the opposite intended effect: by inadvertently helping to rally the Iranian people around its leaders, the attacks have made the Islamic Republic's position stronger. 'Those who didn't designate Israel as an enemy are going to do so now. Even those who formerly didn't support the [Iranian] government,' he said. 'So this is a major strategic blunder for Netanyahu.'
