
Major British retailer to open new store in Scottish town
Sainsbury's confirmed it is working alongside Forrest Developments to transform the 6000 square foot shop.
The supermarket chain states that the investment in the new store will create around 30 entry-level and management jobs for local people.
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Sainsbury's said it hopes the new Bearsden branch will be open 'in time for Christmas'.
Patrick Dunne, Sainsbury's chief property and procurement officer & MD of Smart Charge, said: 'We have a great pipeline of new store investment planned in Scotland, with three new Scottish Sainsbury's stores opened already in 2025, and we're excited to include Bearsden – creating even more new jobs.
'We'll keep everyone updated about our plans for the new supermarket launch as construction and fit-out progresses.
'We hope to open it in time for Christmas this year.'
The Forrest Group is currently carrying out an extensive programme of renovations and repairs before Sainsbury's completes the fit-out later this year.
Donald Stewart, MD of Forrest Developments, said: 'We're very pleased to bring this good news to the people of Bearsden, as we bolster the options available to them for finding the very best food in their local area.
'It's vital to ensure communities have the amenities they need to work and live well, rather than allowing buildings to become disused, and to keep as many jobs as possible available locally.
'This is a great site and we're very happy to welcome Sainsbury's to the Forrest family as the latest tenant on our newest site.'
The move has been welcomed by local councillor Alan Reid, who represents the Bearsden North ward.
Councillor Reid commented: 'I welcome the refurbishment of the supermarket and car park in Baljaffray and look forward to Sainsbury's opening in the late summer – it's always good to see big brands coming to our area alongside our much-loved local independent retailers and businesses.'

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New Statesman
23 minutes ago
- New Statesman
GMB chief Gary Smith: 'Oil and gas is not the enemy'
Illustration by Ellie Foreman Peck Gary Smith is not a man who disguises his passions. The wall of his office features framed pictures of pioneering Scottish trade unionists, the Durham Miners' Gala, steam ferries on the Mersey, the jazz poet Gil Scott-Heron, and Hibernian FC. As the general secretary of the GMB – the country's third-largest trade union, with around 630,000 members – the blunt, puckish Scotsman leads an organisation that is more central to national life today than it has been for decades. Its parliamentary group alone comprises more than 250 Labour MPs (making it, as Smith likes to quip, over twice the size of the Conservative Party), including Keir Starmer, Rachel Reeves and Angela Rayner. GMB's presence in sectors such as defence, energy and manufacturing means that cabinet ministers heed its voice. 'It's a huge improvement on what went before, impossible to compare it,' said Smith, 57, with a thatch of boyish blond hair. We met in Euston, central London, at the GMB's national office, Mary Turner House (named after the indomitable Irishwoman who served as the union's president for 20 years). Smith praised the government's rescue of British Steel, its defence industrial strategy, the commitment to build the Sizewell C nuclear plant and the 'transformative' Employment Rights Bill. 'Has the government made mistakes?' Smith asked. 'Yeah, absolutely, and we have been outspoken in our criticism about winter fuel payments. Nobody said there shouldn't have been reform of payments; it was just badly handled. Likewise, on disability benefits, we were very worried about the poorest and most vulnerable – many of our people who are in work get Pip payments.' Smith, who was elected general secretary four years ago, has often been an ally to Starmer when it's mattered most. At the 2021 Labour Party Conference it was post-midnight conversations with Smith in Brighton hotel suites that convinced Starmer and his chief aide, Morgan McSweeney, that they had the votes required to rewrite the party rule book and marginalise the Corbynite left. But Smith is unsparing in his criticism of Labour's first year in office. 'The big thing that is missing is a clear vision about the future. What we need is a sense of national mission and I don't think that's there. I don't think we've got that emotionally compelling story about the future of the country. 'We are emerging into a new world order as well. That's very difficult for any government to navigate. This is a new epoch that's opened up in front of us: the end of globalisation, the end of neoliberalism. Any government's got to wrestle with what Britain's place in the world is going to be.' He added: 'It frustrates me that the right-wing press accuse[s] Labour of talking down Britain. I think in many ways people are underestimating the state the country's in. Our finances are precarious, we've seen that in the past few weeks. We are beholden to the bond markets; this could unravel very quickly. The country's in a really difficult situation and so I don't envy what they've had to inherit.' (The Office for Budget Responsibility's recent report warned that the UK had the sixth-highest debt, fifth-highest deficit and third-highest borrowing costs of the 38 OECD countries.) This year Donald Trump has become the unlikely hero of some US unions, with the United Auto Workers praising his tariffs as necessary to 'end the free-trade disaster'. Smith invoked the US New Right – and its embrace of protectionism over Reaganism – several times during our conversation. 'The New Right saw an opportunity with working-class communities hollowed out by globalisation. We can talk about average GDP, we can talk about how many people in the globe got wealthy. There were a whole number of our communities that were absolutely abandoned. 'People were told that they're competing in this global labour market and the jobs went abroad and that left people embittered, angry and absolutely disoriented. And the New Right in America got this – they certainly got it better than the liberal left did.' To some this will sound reminiscent of Blue Labour, the party's economically interventionist and socially conservative faction. (Its founder, Maurice Glasman, was the sole Labour parliamentarian invited to Trump's inauguration.) But Smith bridled at the comparison. 'I'm not being critical of anybody but we're not Blue Labour. Why do we have to stick badges on things all the time? We're a working-class organisation; we spend a lot of time listening to our members. So I'm not interested in fashionable factions in the Labour Party, I'm just interested in listening to working-class people, and our members have been telling us this for a long time. They are tired of low-paid, insecure employment. That was a Tory economic model. 'You know, we got to a point in Barrow where we couldn't build nuclear submarines. The only growth industry was heroin, and that happened under Cameron and Osborne. So what shapes our world-view is not some factional philosophy in Labour – it's just listening to working-class people and our membership.' Unite, the UK's second-largest union, this month vowed to 're-examine' its affiliation to Labour and excoriated the party's record in office, with union representatives since surveyed on the matter. 'It's up to Unite what they do. We're not interested in what other unions do,' Smith replied diplomatically when I raised the subject. 'For us, a relationship with government should be contentious, there should be disagreement and debate. But I'd much rather have a Labour government in power than the alternative. And let's be clear about the Tories – they're done – the alternative is going to be Reform.' What does Smith believe is fuelling Farage's ascendancy? 'This is a fuck-you vote, people are just angry: they're pissed off and they're looking for somebody to kick. A lot of this ultimately is about declining living standards. We're a country where in our towns and communities people just look beat. You live in a city like London and even if you're on a good wage you're struggling to keep your head above water… Farage is feeding off that anger and frustration and decline.' In recent months, Farage has reframed Reform as 'the party of working people', speaking of his desire for a 'sensible relationship' with the trade unions and vowing to reopen the Port Talbot steelworks. But Smith – precisely the kind of earthy general secretary whose endorsement Farage would relish – is unimpressed. 'I think he's a chancer. He is no friend of trade unions or working-class people. Peel back the rhetoric: where was he on the Employment Rights Bill? He's voted against working people at Amazon having the right to organise and collectively bargain over their pay. He's voted against people having stronger collective rights at work, which will allow us to better redistribute wealth in this country.' Smith ridiculed Farage's claim that he was appalled by Michael Heseltine's closure of coal mines as Conservative trade and industry secretary in the 1990s. 'Do you think he went on picket lines and supported the miners? Do you think he argued for the steel workers? No, he was a metal trader in the City of London, lifting another glass of Champagne as all this devastation of UK industry and communities went on.' Gary Smith was born in Edinburgh in 1967; his father was an electrician and his mother a bookmaker's clerk. He became a Scottish Gas apprentice at the age of 16 (the GMB later paid for him to study at Ruskin College, and he gained a Master's degree in industrial relations from Warwick University). His political consciousness was shaped by the fraught social conflicts of the early Thatcher era. 'I saw working-class people and communities getting treated very badly,' he said. 'I get so angry when I listen to people talk fondly about the Thatcher era because a lot of kids didn't get off the housing estates. It was mass unemployment, cheap heroin, and HIV/Aids. There's a whole generation of young men who died and never made it through that period.' Four decades on, Smith is once more haunted by the spectre of deindustrialisation. He spoke of a recent encounter with an oil and gas worker moved to tears in Middlesbrough ('big guy, really impressive guy') who declared at a town hall meeting: 'They're doing to us what they did to Middlesbrough in the 1980s.' For this, Smith attributes much blame to the UK's net zero policy of which he is the fiercest Labour critic. 'For too long, we were exporting jobs and importing virtue, so we closed down British industry. That was great for emissions, not great for communities. Our notional emissions have fallen but all we've done is export jobs and industry to China, where they burn coal to produce the goods we then import on diesel-burning barges and ships – and that includes the vast bulk of all renewables industry.' Though he emphasises that he is not a climate change denier – 'We're not in the same place as the US New Right' – he believes that current energy policy is a gift to Farage. 'We have been decarbonising through deindustrialisation and it's counterproductive because the communities that have seen their industries closed down, they've been abandoned and will end up voting for the right, and exactly the way that they have in America.' Smith fears that the political ramifications of net zero could be greatest of all in his native Scotland – he lives in Paisley – where Labour aims to prevent the SNP winning a fifth term next May. 'On the current policies, I don't believe that Labour can win in Scotland,' he warned of the government's decision to ban new North Sea oil and gas licences. 'People don't get that energy is an emotional issue in Scotland. We went hundreds of miles out in this inhospitable sea and built this incredible, groundbreaking energy infrastructure. 'If you're on the west coast of Scotland, most people of a certain age have a drop of oil from Sullom Voe because there are so many families who were involved in building that project when they landed the oil in Shetland. This was an emotional story about Scotland. It's important to its sense of self and the economy, and I don't think people have really got that.' While Starmer is expected to grant permission to the Rosebank and Jackdaw oil and gas fields in the North Sea – which are exempt as existing licences – he has consistently reaffirmed the ban on new ones. 'That is absolutely our position,' he recently declared (a stance that Trump publicly derided ahead of his planned meeting with Starmer in Aberdeen). Does Smith believe that Labour will ultimately be forced to rethink its policy? 'They will have to rethink it because the consequences in terms of energy prices, in terms of national security, in terms of the economy and jobs, are so profound. What we should be doing is taking a public stake in what is left of the oil and gas sector and using the profits for that sector, or part of them, to invest in a new green future. We should be talking about North Sea Two, how we're going to collaborate with Norway – not just decarbonising the North Sea, but what comes next. Oil and gas is not the enemy: it's actually the gateway to whatever comes next, and we've got to stop seeing it as a threat.' The GMB's stances have often put it at odds with the Energy Secretary, Ed Miliband – who has championed net zero as the 'economic opportunity of the 21st century' – but Smith hints at something of a rapprochement: 'I hope and think that Ed realises that in haemorrhaging jobs through this charge to net zero, the political consequences could be very, very profound for Labour. I get a sense that he's starting to listen and I think he also knows that a lot of these new, fashionable green companies are vehemently anti-union. 'And that's a huge problem because it's completely at odds with the government's agenda. Sea Wall in the North East – we're fighting for recognition there and have a strike ballot – they've had access to tens of millions of pounds of government funding and they're anti-union. Octopus Energy? Anti-union.' We return to Labour's future. Even those who sympathise with Starmer often say they do not know what he stands for ('There is no project,' one loyalist MP recently told me). 'If I'm honest with you, I don't think we've clearly defined what Starmerism is,' Smith said. 'There's huge opportunities post-globalisation and post-neoliberalism. How do we grasp those? 'Keir has done some really good stuff on the international stage. But we need to have a national mission and people need to believe again that there is a brighter tomorrow. Labour does need to be that light on the hill.' Just a year into government, cabinet ministers already speculate about whether Starmer will fight the next election. Does that surprise Smith? 'I always said that people underestimated him – let's see. He's got a huge and really tough job but people have underestimated him before. I never thought I'd see a Labour government again in my working life; Keir was part of the team that delivered that extraordinary election result last year and I think he deserves a bit of credit and a bit of time. If they end up all just turning on each other, stabbing each other in the back, it'll just be electoral disaster for them.' [See more: Can Nigel Farage have it both ways?] Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Related


Scotsman
an hour ago
- Scotsman
How to close the gender gap in Scotland's tech economy
If the tech start-up communtiy continues to be male-dominated, then we risk reinforcing old biases with new tools, writes Amy Burnett Sign up to our Scotsman Money newsletter, covering all you need to know to help manage your money. Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Scotland's tech sector is brimming with potential. From AI breakthroughs in Aberdeen to fintech ventures in Edinburgh, the ecosystem is dynamic, ambitious and vital to our economy. But amid this progress, there is an issue that remains stubbornly unresolved: too few women are leading, growing and scaling tech businesses. This isn't a new challenge, but it's becoming more urgent. We need to rethink how we support women in the technology sector (Picture: Mind the investment gap Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The numbers speak volumes. According to the UK Government's Invest in Women Taskforce, in 2024 all-female founded businesses received just 1.8 per cent of all UK venture capital funding, down from 2.5 per cent in 2023. That's not just an equity gap, it's an innovation gap. When women are excluded, there is less diversity of experience and opinion around the table, stifling potential and slowing progress. This exclusion is even more pronounced in the tech sector, which is rapidly reshaping how businesses operate. According to the World Bank, women hold less than a third of all tech roles in the UK. At the top, the gap widens further: fewer than one in ten CIOs or CTOs are women, according to the WomenTech Network. The lack of representation matters, especially in Scotland, where our latest Private Enterprise Barometer shows over half (52 per cent) of firms see technology as critical to their future success and 70 per cent plan to invest in AI. If the tech-start up community continues to be male-dominated, then we risk reinforcing old biases with new tools. If we're serious about building a fairer, more future-ready economy with innovations like AI, we need to ask: who gets to lead the revolution? Amy Burnett, KPMG Emerging Giants Lead – Scotland (Picture: Mike Wilkinson) Inclusive innovation is smart economics Women must be at the forefront of that change. Unlocking the full potential of this tech revolution means rethinking how we support women in tech – creating platforms that not only welcome them but actively champion their success. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The barriers are well-known: access to capital, smaller networks, less visibility. But they're not insurmountable. With the right support – accelerators, investor networks, mentoring – they can be broken down. Talent, too, is critical. With 55 per cent of Scottish firms confident they can recruit the tech talent they need, we're in a strong position. But building a competitive sector isn't just about hiring. It's about creating pathways for progression and ensuring women have the tools and backing to lead. Initiatives like 'Founded by Her' are part of the solution. We created it to support women founders through tailored advice, investment readiness training and access to a powerful network of peers, advisors, investors and founders. We have had 35 exceptional women founders participate in the Series A prep programme, and the next cohort opens for applications in October. The Scottish Government's 'Pathways: A New Approach for Women in Entrepreneurship' initiative is another important step. By addressing the structural barriers facing women in enterprise and putting forward clear recommendations for change, it's a sign that public policy is working to align with the needs of female founders across sectors, including those in tech. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Ultimately championing women in tech will help Scottish businesses to achieve their growth potential. Our latest Barometer also found that 90 per cent are optimistic about their growth prospects this year, while over a third (35 per cent) are introducing new products and services. Technology will be at the heart of these strategies. That's why we urgently need to rethink how we fund, support and shine a light on women founders. Because closing the gender gap isn't just the right thing to do, it's how we future-proof Scotland's tech economy.


The Herald Scotland
2 hours ago
- The Herald Scotland
NRS hand contract for 2031 census to private firm
The company – one of the so-called Big Four accountancy firms – has faced multiple fines globally in recent years, including a £15 million penalty in 2020 from the UK's Financial Reporting Council over audit failures at software firm Autonomy. READ MORE The last census faced significant challenges. The Scottish Government decided in July 2020 to delay it by a year, taking it out of sync with the exercise in England and Wales. That decision was blamed for low returns, forcing SNP ministers to extend the deadline by a month. Despite the extension, only 89% of homes in Scotland returned the survey – short of the government target and well below the 97% overall return rate reported in England and Wales. On Public Contracts Scotland, the [[Scottish Government]]'s "national portal for public sector contract opportunities", the contract is described as being for an "Outline Business Case by May 2025, to feed into [[Scottish Government]] funding cycles for 26/27 and beyond". This will involve "working with NRS and partners to draw from the Strategic Outline Case and draw updated material from the Programme on the preferred option and delivery approach". "It is quite shocking to find out that the Scottish Government has handed responsibility for the next Scottish census to a private company," said Robin McAlpine of Common Weal. He described the 2022 Scottish census as "effectively the first failed census in modern history." "This is just the same old story of Scotland's public sector being privatised by stealth and of the core data on which public policy is based being shaped not for the public good but by the same financial elite which has been fined again and again and again for corruption carried out in favour of its clients," Mr McAlpine said, "It is beyond belief that Scotland's emaciated and failing civil service is not capable of designing a census, just as it is beyond belief that we allow private sector interests to shape core public data, even after their role in the failure of the 2022 census. "As best as we can tell, the National Records of Scotland has been wholly captured by Edinburgh's corporate sector. This should be of very great concern to every Scottish citizen." READ MORE A National Records of Scotland spokesperson said: "NRS will run and is fully responsible for the next census in Scotland in 2031. Deloitte were commissioned for a time-limited period to assist specifically with the development of an Outline Business Case. "This was based on the specialist skills and expertise they could provide in this area. "The 2022 census delivered valuable data for Scotland, with NRS gathering, analysing and presenting over a billion statistics which represented Scotland's whole population. "These statistics are already being used to inform decision making across our economy and society. "The statistics regulator awarded Scotland's Census 2022 results with Accredited Official Statistics designation based on the quality, good practice and comprehensiveness of the data."