At least eight killed in deadly Kenya protests: What we know
Kenyan officials have not disclosed the number of casualties. Reports from media and rights groups varied, placing the number of dead between eight and 16.
This is the latest outbreak of violence in the East African country where young demonstrators have frequently taken to the streets in recent months to protest myriad issues including police brutality, government corruption and high taxes.
The demonstrations on Wednesday were held to mark the bloody June 25, 2024, protests against tax rises when police opened fire on large numbers of protesters, killing at least 60, according to rights groups.
Here's what we know:
Thousands took to the streets in Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisii and several other major Kenyan cities in the early hours of Wednesday to mark the anniversary of the violent 2024 anti-tax protests, particularly the killing of 60 protesters, on June 25 last year.
Bearing Kenyan flags, the protesters chanted slogans like 'Ruto Must Go' and 'Occupy Statehouse' in opposition to President William Ruto's government and referring to his official residence.
Banks and schools in Nairobi's central business district were shut in anticipation of the protests, and police had cordoned off the State House, as well as the parliament building, with layers of barbed wire. Last year, protesters broke into the parliament block, chasing out politicians and setting parts of the building on fire.
Wednesday's march was largely peaceful at first – and much smaller compared with last year's protests. Scenes in Nairobi, however, turned violent later on, after 'goons' or men believed to be undercover security officials and armed with whips and clubs attacked the protesters. Police also used live fire, rubber bullets, water cannon and tear gas to disperse the demonstrators.
Shops and businesses in central Nairobi were also attacked, looted and burned by unidentified groups among the demonstrators. Some protesters also burned security barricades in the city and physically attacked suspected plain-clothed officers.
In Kikuyu town, about 20km (12.5 miles) from Nairobi, protesters stormed and torched local government buildings, including a police station and courtroom. Some were arrested by the police but have not been identified. In other cities, including Mombasa, marches remained peaceful.
Clashes were also reported in the towns of Matuu and Mlolongo in the eastern Machakos County, approximately 100km (62 miles) from the capital. Violence was also reported in Karatina, Nyeri County.Figures vary and the Kenyan authorities have not confirmed the number of dead.
According to a joint statement issued on Wednesday evening by the Kenya Medical Association, Law Society of Kenya, and the Police Reforms Working Group, eight people were killed, most of them in Nairobi. The group said 400 others were being treated for injuries, including three police officers. Of those, 83 people sustained serious injuries, including at least eight protesters treated for gunshot wounds.
However, Irungu Houghton, the head of Amnesty Kenya, told Reuters that 16 people had died, adding that this figure had been verified by the global rights watchdog and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR).
Security guard Fred Wamale Wanyonyi, who was on duty guarding a mall in central Nairobi, was one of those confirmed killed, according to rights groups.
Protesters had gathered to mark the anniversary of last year's anti-tax protests, in which some 60 people were killed by police, although no officials have been punished.
Activists said it was important for Kenyans to remember the bloody protests of 2024.
'It is extremely important that the young people mark June 25th because they lost people who look like them, who speak like them … who are fighting for good governance,' Angel Mbuthia, chair of the youth league for the opposition Jubilee Party, told the AFP news agency.
On Wednesday, demonstrators were also demanding the overthrow of Ruto's government and called for an end to police brutality, corruption and general economic hardship in the country.
Protester Osman Mohamed told Al Jazeera at the scene of the protests that he was there to demand better from the country's leaders.
'The government is taking us as a joke. They don't want to listen to us … they don't listen to us as citizens. We are the people, and they're supposed to listen because of the power of the people,' he said.
Tensions had risen in recent weeks after 31-year-old blogger and teacher Albert Ojwang died in police custody between June 7 and 8. He had been arrested for allegedly insulting deputy police chief Eliud Lagat, and the police initially told his family he had died from self-inflicted wounds.
Ojwang's killing prompted outrage and protests across the country, with people calling for the officers involved to be punished. Lagat, who denies any wrongdoing, stepped down from his post last week pending the outcome of an investigation. Three officers were charged with Ojwang's murder this week.
The protests were anticipated, and authorities had been informed of them, rights activists said. Elijah Rottok of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights told Al Jazeera that protest organisers had received assurances from government officials that they would be allowed the space to protest peacefully. Despite this, he said, there was clear evidence of excessive force in the police response.
'We've seen a deliberate use of force to suppress (protests),' he said. 'We are condemning the excessive use of force … They need to abide by the rule of law and ensure that human rights are upheld at all times.'
Authorities shut down live coverage of the protests on Wednesday afternoon, but that directive was later overturned by Nairobi's High Court, which ordered the Communications Authority of Kenya to restore signals to three independent television stations.
Ruto, who was attending a burial in the coastal town of Kilifi on Wednesday, called for the demonstrations to remain peaceful in a statement.
'Protests should not be to destroy peace in Kenya. We do not have another country to go to when things go wrong. It is our responsibility to keep our country safe,' he said.
Violent protests shook the country starting on June 18, 2024, after Ruto announced a controversial Finance Bill, a tax law that many said would make essential commodities costlier, as the country was gripped by an economic crisis that had seen the value of the Kenyan shilling drop by 22 percent.
Young people largely led the protests, which went on for more than a week, but older Kenyans also filled the streets in anger. Although lawmakers removed certain clauses from the bill before passing it into law, the protests continued, with demonstrators calling for Ruto to step down. Officials insisted higher taxes were needed for the government to fulfil loan agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
On June 25, protesters broke into the Kenyan parliament, where lawmakers were convening. The demonstrators ransacked the building and set its entrance on fire. In response, the police opened fire, killing at least 60 people and abducting several others, including some journalists.
Ruto withdrew the bill on June 26, but the violence continued. Human Rights Watch has reported that following the protests, the bodies of some of those missing have turned up in rivers, forests and mortuaries, and showed signs of torture and mutilation. Some abductees told the rights group they were taken by officials who forced them to reveal the names of protest leaders.
Calm returned to Nairobi on Thursday morning, although devastation was evident.
Smoke was still rising from at least 10 torched buildings in downtown Nairobi as business owners returned to ransacked and looted stores in the central business district.
In parliament, Ruto assented to the new Finance Bill 2025, from which tax rises had been removed. However, a controversial proposal which will see the Kenya Revenue Authority provided with access to taxpayers' personal and financial data was included.
It's unclear yet if or how lawmakers plan to address the protesters' demands.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
10 hours ago
- Yahoo
Ohio's new flat tax puts schools, roads and other public goods at risk
The result was two decades in the making. Republicans in charge of the Statehouse ended the progressive, or graduated, income tax in Ohio. They did so in the most recent state budget bill, commencing in July. That outcome may please many Ohioans, especially those who have applauded the Republican project, begun in 2005. The aim has been to reduce state income tax rates, shrinking both the percentage collected from individuals and the number of brackets. Not surprisingly, taxpayers, especially big campaign donors, like paying less. Today, the state income tax features a single bracket, all those affected paying 2.75%. That is a long way from the nine brackets and top rate of 7.5% on income above $200,000 early in this century, or just before Republicans went to work. The argument has been that such a reduction would prove an economic boon to the state. As it is, the data indicate nothing of the kind. The state still lags the country as a whole, its median income 41st among the states. Such trends inspire some Republicans to insist they haven't done enough. Many, including Vivek Ramaswamy, the party's leading candidate for governor, talk about eliminating the income tax. Wouldn't that be swell? Worth recalling is why Ohio adopted an income tax. The state found itself increasingly without the resources to invest adequately in public goods, from education to roads and health care. So, in 1971, the state legislature, pushed by Gov. John Gilligan, the Democratic governor, enacted the tax. When opponents challenged the measure, Ohio voters decisively rejected their view. No doubt, Republicans often grumbled about the tax. At the same time, a bipartisan consensus formed. When recessions struck, or events otherwise triggered budget shortfalls, both parties looked to the income tax for help. Notably, the likes of George Voinovich and Bob Taft recognized the value in increased tax rates for those at the highest income rungs. Why? Mike DeWine recently provided an answer. The governor took office six years ago expressing skepticism about the need for further income tax cuts. (His fellow Republicans went ahead, anyway.) He cited the state's 'unfinished business.' Most recently, as he vetoed ill-conceived moves by lawmakers to address the local property tax burden, he reminded: 'We need to fund our schools, we need to fund our mental health in the state.' The income tax is a practical tool for addressing such priorities. It opens the way to progressivity, reflecting the ability to pay. Thus, it adds a worthy element of equity, in contrast to the regressive sales tax and property tax. This is what Republicans have abandoned with their flat tax. More: Trump's reversal on climate change is among his most reckless actions | Opinion Headed into this budget cycle, Republicans had whittled the number of tax brackets down to two, 2.75% on income between $26,050 and $100,000 and 3.5% on income above $100,000. By wiping out the higher rate, they have delivered a $1 billion tax cut to those Ohioans with higher incomes. Two think tanks, Policy Matters Ohio and the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, have calculated further that the top 1% of earners, with an average annual income of $1.7 million, will receive 40% of the tax cut. The bulk of the remainder flows to the next 15%. Since Republicans began whacking the graduated income tax, the top 1% have enjoyed an average annual tax cut of $52,459. By contrast, those in the bottom 20% pay $80 more in all taxes. The bottom 20% pay 12.7% of their income in state and local taxes while the top 1% pay just 6.3%. That inequity will deepen with the flat income tax. Something else merits attention: The Republican income tax cutting means that for every tax dollar Ohio collected in 2004, it takes in 85 cents today. That helps explain a conspicuous hole in the new state budget. It falls $2.86 billion short of the resources required under the Fair School Funding Plan. Nearly three-quarters of school districts receive less than what the funding plan says they need to provide an adequate education. Recall the applause that greeted the unveiling of the plan, a bipartisan effort to tackle, finally, a problem that dates to 1997, when the Ohio Supreme Court declared the school funding formula unconstitutional. The plan even represents a path to addressing rising anger about local property taxes. The state must step up to ensure the funding necessary to support public goods and services. Primary and secondary education are hardly alone in facing neglect. Higher rates for the wealthiest could be achieved while preserving part of their tax cut. The governor and lawmakers might tap the more than $11 billion in tax credits, exemptions, deductions and other breaks. What won't get the job done is abandoning the progressive income tax for a flat rate. Douglas is a retired Beacon Journal editorial page editor. He can be reached at mddouglasmm@ This article originally appeared on Akron Beacon Journal: Ohio flat tax puts schools, roads, other public goods at risk| Opinion
Yahoo
a day ago
- Yahoo
After deadly protests, Kenya's Ruto seeks football distraction
Whether in a sports jersey or a suit, Kenyan President William Ruto is casting himself as a model supporter of the national football team as an international tournament provides respite from recent bloody protests against his regime. In June and July, the east African country, usually known as a beacon of calm in the turbulent Horn of Africa region, saw violent anti-government protests that left 65 dead, according to a police watchdog. While the protests have disappeared from the streets, many of the issues -- police brutality, a troubled economy -- have not. But thanks to football, public anger against Ruto's administration seems to be fizzing out. Kenya is co-hosting the African Nations Championship (CHAN), with its national team winning both on and off the pitch -- a stark contrast to their historically dismal performance -- while Ruto coattails on their success at every turn. He was in the stands cheering their inaugural game and in the dressing room making promises to the players. At the start of the tournament, he promised each Harambee Stars player, as the national team is called, one million Kenyan shillings (about $7,740) for every win, and half that for a draw. He later raised the reward to 2.5 million shillings plus a two-bedroom house if they beat Zambia in Sunday's quarter-finals. Ruto's strategy appears to be paying off. While public gatherings for months were dominated by "Wantam" chants -- to mean he will be a one-term president -- energetic Kenyan fans are now filling stadiums with "One Million" shouts, referencing the presidential bonuses. "Most people are happy that the national team has been rewarded for their performance," Bernard Ndong, sports editor and anchor at one of Kenya's biggest stations, told AFP. But not everyone was convinced by Ruto's sudden, and generous, attitude to the players, he added. "Some skeptics are wondering where that money is coming from and whether it's also a subtle way for him to endear himself to the people through football." Just a few weeks before the CHAN games kicked off, Ruto called on police officers to shoot and maim violent protesters, remarks that sparked public outrage. - 'Soft-power tactics' - But the tournament now "offers Ruto respite" even as his administration faces allegations of other "mega corruption scandals," observed a column in the Standard, a daily critical of the president. According to analyst Chris Sambu, CHAN "is not just a sporting event; it is a calculated opportunity where soft-power tactics, national pride, and targeted public engagement intersect to blunt criticism and reopen channels of support." It offers Ruto a strategic opening to reposition his image and tie it to moments of pride and economic hope, rather than recent political controversies, Sambu said on X. Enthusiastic Kenyan fans without tickets have breached security to enter stadiums, angering the Confederation of African Football (CAF) and resulting in hefty fines for the country. Ruto has promised to install screens around the city so everyone can watch the games. "It is the Harambee Stars who have reunited the nation," he said to the players on Monday. "I am proud that thanks to your talents, the nation stands tall, united, and inspired." "Sport and politics are powerful tools," Ruto supporter Amina Muchiri, 44, told AFP, adding that after a shake-up by the youth-led protests "this is the best chance to get to them through these boys who are also Gen-Z". Elias Makori, a former sports editor at Kenya's Nation newspaper and now on the CHAN committee, judged it a "clever" move by Ruto. "It's a good comeback against the Gen Z unrest, but how long it can be sustained is another question," Makori added. The CHAN is limited to players from domestic national leagues, unlike the African Cup of Nations which is open to Africans playing for clubs abroad. aik-rbu-jf/mnk/gv


Boston Globe
2 days ago
- Boston Globe
In Trump's redistricting push, Democrats find an aggressive identity and progressives are on board
Then multiple Democratic governors promised new districts in their own states to neutralize potential Republican gains in Washington. Their counter has been buoyed by national fundraising, media blitzes and public demonstrations, including rallies scheduled around the country Saturday. 'For everyone that's been asking, 'Where are the Democrats?' -- well, here they are,' said U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett of Texas, one of several Democrats who could be ousted under her state's new maps. 'For everyone who's been asking, 'Where is the fight?' – well, here it is.' Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up There is no guarantee Democrats can prevent the Republican-powered redistricting, just as Democrats on Capitol Hill have not been able to stop Trump's moves. But it's a notable turn for a party that, by its own leaders' admissions, has honored conventional rules and bypassed bare-knuckled tactics. Advertisement So far, progressive and establishment Democrats are aligned, uniting what has often been a fragmented opposition since Republicans led by Trump took control of the federal government with their election sweep in November. Leaders on the left say the approach gives them a more effective way to confront him. They can challenge his redistricting ploy with tangible moves as they also push back against the Republicans' tax and spending law and press the case that he is shredding American democracy. Advertisement 'We've been imploring Democrats where they have power on the state and local level to flex that power,' said Maurice Mitchell, who leads the Working Families Party at the left flank of mainstream U.S. politics. 'There's been this overwrought talk about fighters and largely performative actions to suggest that they're in the fight.' This time, he said, Democrats are 'taking real risks in protecting all of our rights' against 'an authoritarian president who only understands the fight.' Texas made sense for Republicans as the place to start a redistricting scuffle. They dominate the Statehouse, and Gov. Greg Abbott is a Trump loyalist. But when the president's allies announced a new political map intended to send five more Republicans to the U.S. House, state Democratic representatives fled Texas, denying the GOP the numbers to conduct business in the Legislature and approve the reworked districts. Those legislators surfaced in Illinois, New York, California and elsewhere, joined by governors, senators, state party chairs, other states' legislators and activists. All promised action. The response was Trumpian. Govs. Gavin Newsom of California, JB Pritzker of Illinois and Kathy Hochul of New York welcomed Texas Democrats and pledged retaliatory redistricting. Pritzker mocked Abbott as a lackey who says 'yes, sir' to Trump orders. Hochul dismissed Texas Republicans as 'lawbreaking cowboys.' Newsom's press office directed all-caps social media posts at Trump, mimicking his signature sign off: 'THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER.' U.S. Rep. Al Green, another Texas Democrat who could lose his seat, called Trump 'egomaniacal.' Yet many Democrats also claimed moral high ground, comparing their cause to the Civil Rights Movement. Advertisement State Rep. Ramon Romero Jr., invoked another Texas Democrat, President Lyndon Johnson, who was 'willing to stand up and fight' for civil rights laws in the 1960s. Then, with Texas bravado, Romero reached further into history: 'We're asking for help, maybe just as they did back in the days of the Alamo.' A recent Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll found that about 15% of Democrats' own voters described the party using words like 'weak' or 'apathetic.' An additional 10% called it 'ineffective' or 'disorganized.' Beto O'Rourke, a former Texas congressman who is raising money to support Texas Democrats, has encouraged Democratic-run statehouses to redraw districts now rather than wait for GOP states to act. On Friday, California Democrats released a plan that would give the party an additional five U.S. House seats. It would require voter approval in a November election. 'Maximize Democratic Party advantage,' O'Rourke said at a recent rally. 'You may say to yourself, 'Well, those aren't the rules.' There are no refs in this game. F--- the rules. ... Whatever it takes.' Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin acknowledged the shift. 'This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to a knife fight,' he said. Andrew O'Neill, an executive at the progressive group Indivisible, contrasted that response with the record-long speeches by U.S. Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J. and the Democratic leader of the U.S. House, New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, in eviscerating Trump and his package of tax breaks and spending cuts. The left 'had its hair on fire' cheering those moments, O'Neill recalled, but were 'left even more frustrated in the aftermath.' Advertisement Trump still secured tax cuts for the wealthy, accelerated deportations and cut safety net programs, just as some of his controversial nominees were confirmed over vocal Democratic opposition. 'Now,' O'Neill said, 'there is some marriage of the rhetoric we've been seeing since Trump's inauguration with some actual action.' O'Neill looked back wistfully to the decision by Senate Democrats not to eliminate the filibuster 'when our side had the trifecta,' so a simple majority could pass major legislation. Democratic President Joe Biden's attorney general, Merrick Garland, he said, was too timid in prosecuting Trump and top associates over the Capitol riot. In 2016, Democratic President Barack Obama opted against hardball as the Senate's Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, refused to consider Obama's nomination of Garland to the Supreme Court. 'These unspoken rules of propriety, especially on the Democratic side, have created the conditions' that enabled Trump, Mitchell said. Even on redistricting, Democrats would have to ignore their previous good-government efforts and bypass independent commissions that draw boundaries in several states, including California. Party leaders and activists rationalize that the broader fights tie together piecemeal skirmishes that may not, by themselves, sway voters. Arguing that Trump diminishes democracy stirs people who already support Democrats, O'Neill said. By contrast, he said, the GOP 'power grab,' can be connected to unpopular policies that affect voters' lives. Green noted that Trump's big package bill cleared the Senate 'by one vote' and the House by a few, demonstrating why redistricting matters. U.S. Rep. Greg Casar of Texas said Democrats must make unseemly, short-term power plays so they can later pass legislation that 'bans gerrymandering nationwide ... bans super PACs (political action committees) and gets rid of that kind of big money and special interest that helped get us to this place.' U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, added that a Democratic majority would wield subpoena power over Trump's administration. Advertisement In the meantime, said U.S. Rep. Julie Johnson, D-Texas, voters are grasping a stark reality. 'They say, 'Well, I don't know. Politics doesn't affect me,'' she said of constituents she meets. 'I say, 'Honey, it does' If you don't do politics, politics will do you.''